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SKETCHES, 



HISTORICAL AXD BESCIUVTIVE, 



LOUISIANA. 




BY MAJOR AMOS STODDARD, 



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PUnUSIIF.D KV MATHEW OARKl 

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CONTENTS. 



PREFACE. 

CHAPTER I. Historical Sketches of Louisiana^ i 

11. Of the Tloridas^ . . . Ill 

III. Extent and Boundaries of Louisiana, 131 

IV. New Orleans, The Delta, ^c, 151 

V. From Chafalia to Arkansas, b^-. 177 

VI. Upper Louisiana, . 20 J 

VII. iMnd Titles, ^c. . . 243 

VIII. Government and Laius, . 2G9 

IX. Commerce and Manufactures 293 

X. learning and Religion^ 307 

XI. Character of the Louisianians, 319 

XII. State cf Slavrrtj, 331 

XIII. Antiquities, . 34J 

XIV. Of the Rivers of Louisiana, . 353 
XV. Mineral Riches, . . . 389 

XVI. Aborigines 409 

WW. A Welsh Nation in America, 465 



PREFACE. 

IT ftll to my lot, in the month of 3Iarch 1804, to take 
possession of upper Louisiana, under the treaty of cession. 
The high civil trust confided to me in that country, drew 
my attention in the first instance to the jurisprudence, in 
:he second to the principles of the French and Spanish co- 
lonial governments, and in the third to the civil histor)* and 
geography of those regions. The records and other public 
documents w ere open to my inspection ; and, as it was my 
fortune to be stationed about five years on various parts of 
the lower ]^lississippi,and nearly six months on Red river, 
my enquiries gradually extended to liouisiana in gtrncral. 

That country, even at this day, is less known than anv 
other (inhabited by a civilized people) of the same extent 
on the globe. AVhile it was in possession of France and 
Spain, at least till near the close of the American revolu 
tion, it was almost inaccessible to us; nor were we influ- 
enced by motives of interest or curiosity lo visit it. Tlie 
entrance of our vessels into its ports was either interdict- 
ed, or its commerce too unimportant to incite maritime 
;idvcnturcs; and the mountains and uninhabited wilderness 
m our frontiers, presented strong barriers to enterprise 
over land. The Spanish government, in particular, was al- 
ways actuated by a dark and intricate pclic) ; it was careful 
to ixclude strangers from its dominions; to prohibit sur- 
veys and discoveries, ekcepl ior the benefit of the cabinet, 
in<l to place the s< ;tl of mnhdittion on whatever was cal- 
culattd to awaken the cnrio^itv or ctiv> of other nation?. 



VI PREtACE = 

No wonder then that Louisiana at the time of" the cession., 
was so little known to the United States. They had suddenly 
and unexpectedly acquired a territory of which they knew 
not the extent; they were equally unacquainted with its 
climates, soils and productions, the magnitude and impor- 
tance of its numerous rivers, and its commercial and other 
natural advantages. I therefore indulge the expectation, that 
the subsequent sketches, however inaccurate or errone- 
ous, will not prove wholly unacceptable to the public ; par- 
ticularly as no one before me, to my knowledge, has at- 
tempted an history and description of this territory. 

Historians have but partially noticed that country; none 
of their works seem to embrace, in regular detail, any con- 
siderable number of years; they are extremely barren of 
events, and unfortunately contain many chasms. These are 
in part supplied from some ancient manuscript journals, and 
other documents, to which I gained access ; yet it is to be 
regretted that materials are still wanting to exhibit even the 
prominent historical features of Louisiana. The writings of 
missionaries at least those I have seen, and the accounts pub 
lished by French officers who were employed in the coun- 
try during part of the tv/o last centuries, are mostly of an 
uninteresting nature. I am, however, much indebted to both 
dead and living authors ; and if I have been less solicitous 
to acknowledge my obligations to them, than to collect 
and arrange the substance of their labors, it was because 
I relucted at marginal and other references. 

These are some of the obstacles in the way of a regular 
and correct civil history of Louisiana. Those opposed to a 
complete geography and natural history of that country, are 
still more insuperable. All the old maps are extremely de- 
fective. The one prefixed to the work of DuPratz, is un- 



PREFACE. Vll 

questionably the best. No detailed accounts of the interior 
are to be found in the records of Louisianian literature: On 
Indian traders, and other transient persons, we ai-e obliged 
in most instances to rely for what limited information we 
possess. They present us indeed, with an exuberant mass 
of materials, but extremely crude, confused and contradi^r- 
tory ; and it requires no small share of patience and atten- 
tion to distinguish truth from fiction. I am indebted to 
some fugitive and other publications relative to particular 
portions of Louisiana j and to the authors of them I am 
proud to pay my acknowledgements. Respectable men, in 
most of the districts, furnished me with such local and other 
information as they possessed, and I have made the best 
use of it in my power. My own excursions in that coun- 
try were extensive, and I have endeavored to describe 
what fell under my own observation with as much fidelity 
as possible. The notices of the Fioridas are partly derived 
from the valuable work of Bernard Romans, and partly 
from an equally valuable manuscript of an itinerant friend. 
These are some of the materials on which the subsequent 
SKETCHES are founded; and yet it is believed that few or 
none more accurate or authentic are at present in exist- 
ence, except those in possession of our late western travel- 
lers ; time and enterprise are necessary to afford the world 
a just conception of Louisiana. The paucity of veracious 
materials, forbade the hope of an entire and complete 
work, and therefore sketches only have been attempted. 
That there are many omissions and errors, is more than 
probable j but who is able at this early period, to supply 
the first, or fully to correct the second ? 

The avocations of military men are seldom favorable to 
literary pursuits j their studies are usually desultory, and 



Vlii PREFACE. 

more multiform in their nature than is consistent with la- 
bored disquisition. During the progress of the ensuing 
work, I was wholly secluded from the literary world, and 
the aid of literary friends, destitute of books, and most 
of the timeafHicted with the endemics of the climate. This 
ivill in some measure account for occasional aberrations of 
manner and style ; imputable in part, perhaps, to the rug- 
ged service of eighteen years, "• in the tented field." I' am 
fully apprised of the danger to which I. expose myself in 
this literary attempt. I expect not the approbation of sci- 
entific men, though I hope to escape their censure. If 
they cannot think favorably of my genius or erudition, I 
trust they will at least commend my industry and motives. 
I worship not in the temple of science; my devoirs are 
limited to its humble vestibule. 

Persuaded I am, that, when Louisiana is accurately 
known, when the advantages it affords are manifested and 
felt, not an enemy to the cession will remain. No doubt 
much of the opposition to it (perhaps, in some measure, 
stimulated by the prejudices of party) arose from the want 
of information, which dictated caution. It requires no 
great penetration to perceive that, if the arbiters of" Eu- 
rope, and indeed of the world, had spread themselves o- 
ver that country, the tranquility of the United States 
would have been disturbed, and perhaps theirliberties jeo- 
pardized. Whatever may be my speculative opinions on 
political subjects, I have felt no disposition to yield to 
them ; soHcitous as a public servant to avoid the exacerba- 
tions of party ; steady in the pursuit of truth. 

AMOS STODDAllD, Major, 

Fort Columbus 1812. ^orps United States' Artellerists. 



%4' 



HISTORICAL 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA= 



CHAPTER I. 



THE Spaniards and the French discovered and settled 
Florida and Canada long before Louisiana was known. 
These early events have a direct bearing on the subse- 
quent affairs of those nations in the new world ; and hence 
a concise detail of them williiot be deemed foreign to the 
design of these Sketches, particularly as they serve to 
throw much light on the policy pursued by both in the es- 
tablishment of their Colonies. 

After the Spaniards landed on the Islands, nearly twen- 
ty years elapsed before they attempted any new discove- 
ries. During this period they collected immense quanti- 
ties of gold, especially in Cuba and Hispaniola. They 
fust deprived the natives of their treasure, and then con- 
demned them to seek for more in the bowels of the earth, 
or among the rocks of the mountains. These people 
were unable to satiate the avidity of the Spaniard?. Mil- 



2 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

lions of them perished, and the remainder were doomed 
to ignominious slavery. No sooner were the Islands ex- 
hausted of their wealth than the Spaniards turned their 
attention to other regions. They penetrated to the isth- 
mus of Darien, and attempted to form settlements in the 
bay of Campeachy. 

Perhaps they became acquainted with the discoveries 
of Sabastian Cabot along our coast in 1497. Ponce de 
Leon, a celebrated Spanish adventure:-, was induced to 
discover and explore the continent from a singular mo- 
tive. The Caribbees informed him, that a fountain ex- 
isted in that quarter, whose waters were calculated to 
transform the aged into youth. He landed in the month 
of April 1512 in N. Lat. 30 deg. 8 min. (some say N. 
Lat. 38 deg. 8 min.) and the country he named Florida, 
because he found it in full bloom at that early season of 
the year. He made a fruidess endeavor to discover the 
fountain ; and great numbers of his followers probably pe- 
rished in the wilderness, as they never returned to their 
companions. He even made a second voyage, which pro- 
ved as unsuccessful as the first, and chagrin and disap- 
pointment drove him back to the Islands. The name he 
gave the country was extended to all North America, and 
was attached to it till 1586, when it wasrestrict6d to a ter- 
ritory of inconsiderable extent to the northward of the gulf. 

These adventurers convinced the Spaniards of the ex- 
istence of other unexplored regions, and they readily con- 
ceived them to be filled with the precious metals. They 
determined to realize what their imaginations painted in 
such fascinating- colom-s. Accortiingly a body of them un- 
der Grijalva landed on the coast of Florida in 1518. The 
Indians gave them a friendly reception, and presented 
them with pearls, silver, and gold. When they were 
about to retire, they ungratefully seized a number of these 
innocent people, and reduced them to slavery in the Is- 
lands. 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA $ 

Providence seldom permits such acts of cruelty and in- 
justice to remain long unpunished ; and the injuries in- 
flicted by the Spaniards drew on them, in a variety of in- 
stances, the vengeance they merited. Their evil genius 
led them to pay these people another visit in 1520, when 
the manner of their reception induced them co make a 
precipitate retreat from the country. Not discouraged at 
this repulse, they again landed on the same coast in 1522, 
when two hundred of their men perished by the hands of 
the natives. 

Florida was now of suflicient importance to attract the 
notice of the ciown. Francis de Geray obtained the first 
grant or patent of that country about the year 1524 ; but 
he did not long survive this mark of fever, and was suc- 
ceeded by de AUyon, who visited his province. 

The Spaniards for some time were confounded at the 
vigorous opposition of the natives ; they did not perceive, 
that the inhabitants of the continent were more resolute 
and hardy, more independent and lofty in their sentiments, 
than those of the Islands, whom they had enslaved. They 
at last concluded, that the country abounded in the pre- 
cious metals, and that the natives were possessed of im- 
mense wealth, which they were determined to defend with 
their lives : On no other principle were they able to ac- 
count for the numerous obstacles opposed to their pro- 
gress. These "conceits served to swell their prospects, and 
to urge them on to new exertions. Accordingly in 1528, 
Pamphilo Narvaez, on whom the province had devolved, 
landed in Florida with a considerable body of Spaniards. 
The Indians made use of a stratagem to draw them into 
the interior. They presented some gold to them, and at 
the same time intimated, that this treasure abounded in 
the Appalachian mountains. The Spaniards marched di- 
rectly into the wilderness, extremely delighted with the 
prospects before them. But how great was their surprise, 
when thev found themselves in an ambuscade, and vigo- 



4 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

rously attacked by several nations ! The contest was long 
and bloody. Narvaez perished with many of his men. 
The remainder attempted to regain their ships. Their 
provisions were soon expended, which reduced them to 
the painful necessity of feeding on the carcasses of their 
dead companions. 

This disaster checked for a while, but did not damp 
the ardor and perseverance of the Spaniards ; nor did it 
serve to restrain their ambition and avarice. On the death 
of Narvaez, that celebrated adventurer, Ferdinand de So- 
to, succeeded to the Government of Florida. This man 
was of a temperament not to be intimidated by the mis- 
fortunes of others ; nor to despair of attaining what his 
predecessors had attempted in vain. He was one of the 
most distinguished Knight-errants of the age ; and his ac- 
tions in Florida sufficiently attest his courage, hardihood, 
and romantic turn of mind. He explored almost all parts 
of that Country with the speed of a courier ; and the long- 
time he remained in it was mostly employed in seeking 
new dangers, and in encountering them. He attacked the 
natives every where, and every where committed great 
slaughter ; destroyed their towns, and subsisted his men 
on the provisions found in them. He even spent some 
winters among them, particularly one in the Chickasaw 
nation ; the next spring crossed the Mississippi, explored 
the regions to the westward of it, and in 1542 ended his 
days on Red river. 

This was the first dawn of the Spanish' power in Flori- 
da. Most of the Indian nations were either extremely in- 
timidated, or greatly reduced. They became convinced 
of their own weakness, and found themselves obliged to 
yield to the superior skill of their enemies. Notwithstan- 
ding this, they disdained to become slaves, or to survive 
the loss of their freedom ; and therefore gradually retired 
from the coast, and planted themselves beyond the reach 
pf the invaders. 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. J 

After the death of Ferdinand de Soto, no more disco- 
veries were vindertaken in this quarter ; the prospects of 
mineral wealth abated, and the poor Spanisli settlers left 
to bewail their misfortunes. They found themselves ob- 
liged, much against their inclinations, to turn their atten- 
tion to agriculture and the fisheries. They opened an in- 
tercourse with the few remaining Indians along the coast ; 
but this proved unprofitable, and the only refuge they 
found from want was in manual labor. 

The French about this period began to view, with jea- 
lous eyes, the discoveries and settlements of the Spaniards. 
France was among the last of the European nations to ex- 
plore distant regions, and to plant Colonies in them. Her 
ambitious views were for a long time confined to the Mi- 
lanese, and the two Sicilies, to which she had some ancient 
claims : Nor was she easily persuaded, that any perma- 
nent advantages were to be derived from the establish- 
ment of distant colonies, particularly at a time when the 
nation was agitated by religious disputes and commotions. 
Yet, notwithstanding she entertained these sentiments, she 
secretly envied the progress of her rival in the new world, 
determined to interrupt it, and to participate in the glories 
of enterprise. 

The execution of this project was wholly confided to the 
discretion of the great Admiral de Coligny. He there- 
fore fitted out a considerable fleet in 1562, and embarked 
a Colony of French Protestants. Ribaud conducted the 
expedition to Florida, and planted the settlers within about 
thirty miles of St. Augustine, where they erected a Fort 
for their protection, and named it Charles, in honor of 
Charles IX. 

Astonishment seized the Spaniards at this unexpected 
Intrusion. Menendez, however, after recovering from the 
first shock of perturbation, assembled the forces of the pro- 
vince, attacked Fort Charles, and carried it by storm. 
Those of the miserable French, who escaped the sword 



6 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA. 

were doomed to the halter, with this label on their breasts, 
" not ay Frenchmen^ but as heretics.''^ 

France was not then in a situation to punish this out- 
rage ; nor, perhaps, as she was evidently an aggressor, had 
she just cause to complain. But a private Gentlemen of 
rank, by the name of Dominique de Gourgues, resolved to 
become the avenger of his nation. In 1567, therefore, he 
fitted out a fleet at his own expense, arrived in Florida, 
attacked the Spanish settlements, and those who fell into 
his hands, were suspended by the neck, with this inscrip- 
tion, " not as Spaniards^ but as assassins.''^ 

This success was productive of no important benefit. 
The French were obliged, in the course of a few years, to 
retire from the Country ; and the Spaniards in this quar- 
ter experienced no more trouble from them till after the 
discovery and settlement of Louisiana. 

Even at this early period the French were not wholly 
unacquainted with the continent more to the nortliward : 
For Verazzani, in 1024, coasted it from Florida to New- 
foundland, and gave to the territories he discovered the 
name of New France. The commercial importance of 
the fisheries was satisfactorily ascertained by him : But 
the hopes of more profitable discoveries, added to the 
peculiar situation of France, served to postpone the pur» 
suit of them. 

Ten years elapsed before the French determined to 
form settlements in the more northern regions. Cartier 
was employed in 1534 to explore the coast about New- 
foundland, and to select some suitable place for a Colony. 
During this expedition he examined the shores of Aca- 
dia, entered the straits of Belleisle, and visited the har- 
bors on the coast of Labrador. In the bay of Gaspe he 
performed the ceremony of taking possession of the Coun- 
try in the name of the French King. This seems to have 
been understood by the Indians ; for one of their Chiefs, 
clothed in a Bear-skin, gave the intruder to understand, 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 7 

that the Country belonged to him. Cartier sailed some 
distance up the river St. Lawrence : but the advanced 
state of the season obliged him to return to France. 

The next year he was again despatched to the continent 
with three ships. He now sailed up theriver St. Law- 
rence to the Isle of Orleans, secured his fleet in the mouth 
of the St. Croix, took formal possession of the Country, 
and spent the winter in it. He visited Hochelaga, the In- 
dian Capital, and the hill in the vicinity of io he named 
Montreal. The scurvy made great havoc among his 
people ; and this, together with the failure of his provi- 
sions, rendered it necessary for him to return to France as 
soon as the ice disappeared iu the river. 

The information obtained on this voyage served to awa- 
ken the curiosity of the French. The Indians gave Car- 
tier to understand, that he might continue sailing up the 
river for three months, passing over two or three great 
lakes, beyond which there was a sea of fresh Avater, (pro- 
bably lake Superior) of which they knew no bounds ; 
and that on the other side of the mountains there was ano- 
ther great river, (no doubt the Mississippi) which flowed 
to the south-west, through a Country full of delicious 
fruits, and destitute of snow and ice. They at the same 
time led Cartier to believe, that the Country abounded in 
silver and gold ; particularly as they described to him the 
colors, and in some measure the qualities of those metals. 

He was sent out on his third voyage in 1540. He spent 
another winter at his old station in the mouth of the St. 
Croix. Roberval spent the succeeding winter at the same- 
place. Both obtained some additional information rela- 
tive to the interior. These voyages exposed both to im- 
minent dangers. 

The French made no other attempts on Canada till af- 
ter the lapse of half a century ; though they carried on 
the fisheries and peltry trade along the coast. 



3 II15T0RTCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

^V hen France found herself in some measure recovered 
from a succession of religious and other wars, she resum- 
ed her projects of discovery, and was enabled to prosecute 
them with more system, and with better prospects of suc- 
cess. She readily perceived, that any attempts to dislodge 
the Spaniards from Florida, would be attended with more 
loss than gain; particularly as their jealousy was excited, 
and their ports strongly fortified. She was likewise well 
aware, that the fisheries were of consequence, and that the 
skins and furs obtained in northern regions were more va- 
luable than those about Florida ; and she was in hopes of 
finding a water communication to China by means of the 
great lakes in Canada. Another voyage was therefore 
undertaken in 1603, and the prosecution of it confided to 
Champlain. He arrived at Cartier's station in the river 
St. Lawrence, endeavored to investigate the geographical 
position of the lakes, and became acquainted with the Iro- 
quois, or five nations, into whose Country he penetrated by 
the way of the lakes Champlain and George ; after which 
he returned to France. 

Ail the ten-itory between the fortieth and forty-sixth 
degrees of North latitude was the same year granted by 
the French King to Du Monts, who formed a settlement 
in Acadia; which, in the course of five years, was partly 
destroyed by the English, and partly exchanged for Ca- 
nada. 

The Canadian coast was visited by the English and 
Spaniards prior to the discoveries of the French ; but as 
neither of those nations attempted settlements in that quar- 
ter, a secure and lasting possession seemed to present it- 
self to view. A sufficient number of Colonists was soon 
collected, a fleet fitted out, and the whole committed to 
the direction of Champlain, They sailed directly for Ca- 
nada, where they arrived in 1608, and laid the foundation 
of the City of Quebec. This was the first |Jfermanent 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 9 

settlement made by the French in this part of the new- 
world. 

At the time of their arrival a destructive war raged be- 
tween the several Indian nations of Canada and the Iro- 
quois, situated at some distance from them. They con- 
ceived it good policy to assist their neighbours ; particu- 
larly as such a step seemed likely to secure their friend- 
ship and trade. The Dutch settlers of New York espou- 
sed the cause of the Iroquois from similar motives. Both 
unfolded to the natives the use of the musket, and libe- 
rally supplied them with ammunition. The dreadful ra- 
vages committed by the hostile parties, sei'ved not only to 
increase the effusion of human blood, but likewise to re- 
tard and embarrass the French settlements in Canada. 

Such indeed was the wretched condition of that Colony 
in 1628, owing in part to Indian wars, and in part to the 
religious dissensions among the settlers, that the crown 
was easily prevailed on to grant the province to a Compa- 
ny : But as the conditions of the transfer were not fulfil- 
led, the grant was eventually rescinded. The next year 
an English squadron appeared in the river St. Lawrence, 
when Quebec and all Canada submitted without a strug- 
gle. In 1631 this conquest was abandoned ; and the French 
four years afterwards extended their discoveries to Lakes 
Huron and Michigan. 

The war with the Iroquois proved destructive and ruin- 
ous to the French. They at first engaged in it from choice, 
and were soon obliged to continue it from necessity. The 
French ministry witnessed the retrograde tendency of the 
province, and reflected with pain on its defenceless condi- 
tion, liable to become an easy prey to the first foreign or 
domestic invader. Such indeed was the crisis of affairs 
about the year 1660, that the existence of Canada in a great 
measure depended on the extirpation of the Iroquois ; and 
it was resolved to make one great effort to humble that 
people. In the course of the four subsequent years, two 
c 



10 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

large reinforcements arrived from France, and the war was 
prosecuted with vigor*. 

A new difficulty opposed itself to the French. In 1664 
the English dispossessed the Dutch of New Belgiaf, or 
New York, who immediately furnished the Iroquois with 
the means of carrying on the war to advantage. Even at 
that early day the progress of the settlements of the two 
nations afforded reciprocal uneasiness, and each endeavou- 
red to circumscribe the other as much as possible. The 
English planted themselves among the Iroquois, partly for 
the purposes of trade, and partly to extend their claims by 
new discoveries. The French were actuated by similar 
motives ; but the frequent and powerful incursions of their 
enemies, and the unfriendly disposition of the Indians about 
the lakes, kept them in a state of war, and rendered it un- 
safe for them to leave their settlements. During this time 
their rivals remained at peace, and pursued their trade 
without interruption. 

Canada stood in need of large reinforcements to supply 
her losses. One arrived in 1667, when it was found on 
examination, that 3000 men were ready for the field. In 
this enumeration the settlers, as well as regular troops, 
were included. 

About this period the French authorities in Canada, for 
the first time, viewed their situation in its true light. The 
destruction of the natives was of no use to them ; on the 
contrary, the more they killed or drove away, the less re- 
mained to yield them commerce. A predatory contest 
with barbarians was prolific of blood, but not of glory; it 

* A memorable event took place in 1663. Canada was terribly sha- 
ken by an earthquake ; and, according ;o contemporary writers, it 
buried a lofty chain of mountains, 300 miles long-, and changed this 
immense tract into a plain. 

f This was confirmed to the English by the treaty of Breda, in 
1667. 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 11 

interrupted the prosperity of the settlements, and evidently 
pointed to their ultimate extinction. The Iroquois enter- 
tained the same sentiments. A war of sixty years' conti- 
nuance, carried on with various success, operated to the 
injury of both, and both secretly sighed for some remission 
from the toils and waste of perpetual hostility. The French 
ventured to make proposals on the subject j and a peace was 
concluded in 1668. 

Both parties were extremely pleased at this event ; the 
Indians, because it removed their fears of total ruin ; the 
French, because the navigation of the lakes was less pre- 
carious, and an extended trade and intercourse appeared 
practicable. 

The first symptom of Canadian prosperity manifested 
itself at this period. As the days of adversity appeared 
to be past, the troops were disbanded, and a suitable quan- 
tity of land bestowed on them as a reward for their servi- 
ces. An unsuccessful attempt made by the English on 
Quebec in 1691, caused a temporary alarm : Bat the peace 
of Ryswick in 1697, put an end to the disputes about 
these regions; and Canada was no more meaaced till it 
was forever wrested from the crown of France. 

It was extremely unfortunate for the French, that they 
entertained erroneous conceptions of Canada, and ol the 
means of wealth it aiforded. The romantic tales published 
by some of the first adventurers, particularly by those who 
had a deep interest in colonizing the Country, led them 
into error. Many of the agriculturalists of France ex- 
changed their fruitful fields and vineyards for the inhos- 
pitable wilds of the new world, not to pursue their former 
occupations, but to seize on opulent fortunes. The success 
of the Spaniards served to increase their expectations. 
Great indeed was their disappointment when they came 
to realise their condition. The Indian trade furnished 
the ooly means of subsistence. They took no pains to 
ascertain the quality of their lands, or the different grains 



12 HISTORICAL SKETCIlfiS OF LOUISIANA. 

suited to the climate. They seldom aimed at more than 
the cultivation of gardens. The consequence was, that po- 
verty dwelt in almost every mansion. The labor of nine 
tenths of the population on the distant lakes and rivers, 
exposed to hunger, nakedness and death, served only to 
augment the wealth of a few traders and merchants. 
Ilencc the colony, poor at first, was never able to pros- 
per. The physical strength of a people depends more on 
agriculture than any other pursuit ; and the progeny of 
the ancient French, with the sad experience of more than 
two hundred years before their eyes, appear to be still ig- 
norant of this truth. The inhabitants of the Spanish pro- 
vinces are extremely poor, though planted in a fruitful 
soil, and in a world of precious metals. The French and 
Spanish colonists were, ever engaged in the pursuit of 
phantoms ; and this pursuit will probably be continued as 
long as there remains a vestige of peltry, or of mineral 
wealth. 

During the long war with the Iroquois, the French 
traders were not allowed to pass beyond the bounds of 
the settlements ; while the English extended their inter- 
course, much indeed to the injury of their rivals. The 
peace, however, released them from these restraints ; and 
the French authorities, for the first time, permitted their 
traders to carry goods into the Indian nations, and at the. 
same time granted them exclusive privileges as induce- 
ments to enterprise. Prompted by the thirst of gain, the 
Colony became much weakened by a wide dispersion of 
its members, many of whom exposed themselves to great 
dangers, and some to inevitable destruction. These ex- 
clusive privileges were found to be impolitic, and their 
dissolution was pronounced. Other measures were de- 
vised to supplv the Indians, and to circumscribe the En- 
glish. 

The most important of these was the establishment of 
a chain of military posts from Quebec, along the lakes, to 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. IJ 

Michillimakipak ; and the respective commandants of them 
were alone authorised to carry on the Indian trade. This 
measure was hkewise found to be pernicious. The com- 
mandants put too high a price on their commodities, by 
which means the English were enabled to undersell them. 
The French authorities, therefore, again took the trade 
into their own hands. 

In establishing this chain of posts, the French were ac- 
tuated by other motives than the acquisition of the Indian 
trade, and the interdiction of the English ; they aimed to 
immortalize themselves by new discoveries. An inland 
passage to China was considered as practicable. They 
were apprised of the information received by Carticr about 
150 years before, that there was a great river to the south 
west, where Silver and Gold abounded. These prospects 
were strengthened by subsequent enquiries, and they pre- 
pared to gratify their curiosity. 

It must not be forgotten, that the French, as well as 
Spaniards, usually confided their inland voyages of disco- 
very to one or more Catholic missionaries, at least none 
was undertaken without them. No doubt these pious 
Priests were actuated by a laudable zeal to propagate 
their religion, and at the same time to become acquainted 
with unknown Countries. Certain it is, that we are in- 
debted to this order of men for most of the knowledge 
we have, correct or spurious, of the early history of the 
French and Spanish Colonies. 

There is some dispute as to the time when, and by 
whom, the Mississippi was first discovered. No less than 
three nations contend for the honor of this discovery. 
The English allege that Wood discovered it in 1654, and 
Bolt in 1670 ; but without much foundation. The Spa- 
niards are persuaded, that it was seen by Ferdinand de 
Soto, and even crossed by him as early as 1541 near the 
Chickasaw nation. This is questioned by the French on 
the ground that, when they entered the country, no ves- 



14 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

tige of his wars remained, nor had the Indians any tradi- 
tion of him. But the journal of his expedition affords in- 
dubitable proofs, that he explored the interior of Florida, 
and that he discovered and crossed the Mississippi. The 
description it contains of that great river, and of the Coun- 
try on each side of it, could not have been given by any 
other than an eye-witness. If no monuments remain of 
him, it is because his march was rapid ; as he was in pur- 
suit of mines, which eluded his grasp, he had the strong- 
est temptation to accelerate his movements. 

There is some dispute among the French, by whom of 
their own nation the Mississippi was first discovered. But 
this honor is unquestionably due to two Missionaries of 
Canada by the names of Jolliet and M rquette*, who tra- 
versed the lakes, with five men only to assist them, and 
entered that river by way of the Ouisconsing. Jolliet says 
in his journal, that they entered the Mississippi June 15, 
1674; but as he had lost all his papers, and wrote from 
memory only, he probably mistook the year, as Marquette, 
in the journal left by him, states this discovery to be June 
15, 1673. They descended that river to the Arkansas, 
a distance of about 990 miles, and then returned to Cana- 
da by way of the Illinois. They have described the 
Country and Rivers so accurately as to render it certain, 
that they made the discoveries attributed to them. 

This bold adventure opened a wide field of specula- 

* Charlevoix relates, that Marquette was a native of Leon in Picar- 
dy, born of reputable parents, and an illustrious Missionary of New 
France. He travelled over all the parts of it then known, and made 
several important discoveries, the last of which was the Mississippi. 
On the 18th of May 1675, while on his way from Chickago toMichllli- 
mackinac, he entered a river bearing his own name, when he let drop 
some expressions, which plainly indicated, that he should end his 
days in tliat place. Soon after the boat landed, he erected his altar, 
and said mass; after which, he retired a short distance to return 
thanks, desiring the men with him to absent themselves for half an 
hour. They did so, and on their return, found him dead. 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 15 

tion, which seemed to promise an ample reward for the 
greatest toils and dangers. M. de la Salle, the proprietor 
and commander of Fort Frontinac, situated at the lower 
end of lake Ontario, resolved to gratify Jiis curiosity in 
exploring a Countr», represented as the finest in the 
world. The reparation of an exhausted fortune furnish- 
ed not the least of the motives, which stimulated him to 
undertake the arduous enterprise. The discovery and 
settlement of the Country about the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi evidently assured wealth and fame ; and happily his 
talents, courage, and activity, were admirably calculated 
to inspire the adventurers with the most flattering hopes 
of success. 

It was not easy to make the necessary preparations for 
this voyage ; an almost insuperable difficulty arose from 
the want of means, which caused considerable delay. M. 
de la Salle was at last enabled to build a small vessel, in 
which he sailed from the lower end of Lake Erie near 
the close of the summer of 16/9. His party at first con- 
sisted of Father Louis Hennt pin, a Franciscan Friar, and 
thirty four men; and on his voyage over the Lakes he 
was joined by several more. On their arrival in Lake 
Michigan, the vessel was loaded with peltries, and order- 
ed to return ; but her progress was soon arrested by the 
Indians, who doomed her to the flames, and the crew to 
the scalping-knif'^. M. de la Salle and his followers, now 
thirty two in all, descended the Illinois river, and in Ja- 
nuary 1680 halted at an Indian village on its banks, about 
150 miles from the Mississippi, The Iroquois had exten- 
ded their destructive ravages to this Country, where they 
obtained 800 prisoners at one time, and carried them into 
slavery ; and this circumstance induced the Illinois In- 
dians to treat their new visitors with great hospitality. 
Here the French, for their better security, built a Fort, 
and aptly named it Crevcceera; or broken heart. As soon 
as they were secure in winter quarters, M. de la Salle 



16 HISTORICAL SKKTCHES OF LOUISIANA = 

selected three men, and with them returned to Canada 
over land in pursuit of additional supplies and adven- 
turers. 

The original plan was, that IM. de la Salle should pro- 
ceed to the mouth of the Mississippi, while P'ather Hen- 
nepin penetrated that river to its source ; and accordingly 
M. de la Salle, when he set out for Canada, directed him 
to prosecute the enterprise with all possible despatch. 
Father Hennepin therefore set out, with two men only 
with him, and entered the Mississippi March 8th, 1680. 
But he pretends, that he departed from his instructions, 
and, instead of the source, resolved to find the mouth of 
that river ; at which, if he be believed, he arrived on the 
25th of the same month. On the first of April, according 
to his account, he set out on his return, and ascended the 
Mississippi to the falls of St. Anthony, where he and his 
two men were made prisoners, robbed of their property, 
and taken to some Indian villages situated on one of the 
upper branches of that river. They were soon liberated, 
and returned to Canada by way of the Ouisconsing. Fa- 
ther Hennepin went immediately to France, where he 
published a splendid account of the vast Country he had 
discovered, which he named Louisiana, in honor of 
Louis XIV, and dedicated it to the great Colbert. No 
mention is made in this publication of his descending the 
Mississippi. 

The writers of history and geography seem to have ta- 
ken it for granted, that Father Hennepin was the first who 
discovered the Mississippi, and the first v.'ho traversed that 
river to its mouth. It has already appeared, that Jolliet 
and Marquette entered the Mississippi several years be- 
fore him ; and it will soon be found, that Father Henne- 
pin never descended that river, as be has stated, and that 
the first discovery of the mouth of it must be attributed 
to M. de la Salle. 



mSTOHICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 17 

That Father Hennepin entered the Mississippi, and as- 
cended it to the falls of Si. Anthony, there can be no man- 
ner of doubt. But the truth of what he states, relative 
•to his descent and discovery of the mouth of that river, 
may be safely questioned on several grounds. 

I. He endeavors to create a belief, that he was the first, 
among the Europeans, who obtained a view of the Mis- 
sissippi. If he was unacquainted with the discoveries of 
Ferdinand de Soto, he could not be ignorant of those made 
by JoUiet and IMarquette ; and when he alleges, that Jol_ 
liet, by his own confession, went no further than the llu- 
rons and Outtaonats, it was to make himself considered as 
the first discoverer of a new Country, and to snatch the 
laurels from two contemporary travellers of integrity and 
virtue. The separate journals of JoUiet and Marquette 
were publistied, and they aflTord a pretty accurate descrip- 
tion of the Country, its rivers, and productions. What 
they call Painted Monsters on the side of a high perpen- 
dicular rock, apparently inaccessible to man, between the 
Missouri and Illinois, and known to the moderns by the 
name of Piesa, still remain in a good degree of preserva- 
tion. They mention the Missouri by the name oi Pekita- 
noni^ and accurately describe the peculiar color of its 
waters. 

II. The various distances laid down by him are much 
too short ; whereas it is usual for travellers in unknown 
regions to consider them much greater than they really 
are. The account of the upper Mississippi, as given by 
Hennepin himself, may be adduced as an instance of 
this. 

III. If his statement be correct, he descended from the 
mouth of the Illinois river to the mou»h of the M'ssissippi 
(a distance of more than 1350 miles) in seventeen days, 
though he devoted the nights to sleep on shore, spent some 
lime among the Indians, and still n)ore in procuring pro- 
\ isions I'rom the woods. It is therefore difficult to con- 

D 



IB HISTORICAL SKETCHES (JF UJLIblANA. 

ccivp, that he performed ihc voyage in «o short a period j 
particularly as it usually requires alioui the snme number 
of day% at the same season of the year, for one of our 
tradmg boats to descend from St. Ix>uis to New-Orleans. 
l\. lie has neglected to describe the mouth of the 
Mississippi, and the Country* about the Ilelu. These are 
so singular in many respects, and of such importance to a 
maritime nation, that the omission was unpardonable, if 
he had it in his power to gratify curiosity, or to afford 
useful inlormation to his Ctoremment. His silence, there* 
fore, must be attributed to his total ignorance of what he 
pretends to have discovered. 

V. How shall we account for his rapid ascent against 
the current of the Mississippi ! If we believe him, he and 
the two men with him rowed a Canoe from the mouth of 
that river to the Illinois in twenty four days ! Seventy and 
eighty days arc usually allowed to our trading iiow-UuMts, 
assisted too by Sails, to ascend from New Orleans to St. 
Ijouis ; a vo\ age about 140 miles shorter than the preten- 
ded one ot Hennepin : And ycL, according to his dcclam- 
lion, he performed it in one third of the time, and under 
circumstances calculated to retard his progress. 

VI. 'I^e reasons assigned by him, in the Knglish Kdi- 
tion of his book, for not including his discoveries on the 
lA>wer Mississippi in his first publication, dedicated to 
Colbert, are by no means satislacior) . To omit this, be- 
cause he had departed from his instructions, and because 
he wished .M. de la Salle to reap the homw-s of the disco- 
ver)', manifests an extreme delicacy, which neither the 
im|>ortance of the subject, nor the char.ictcr of Hennepin, 
will justify. He complains, that M. de la S.tlle had inju- 
red him in France on account of the Mississippi transac- 
tions, and (hat he was obll^ed to seek saf< ty in Kngland. 
Here he published, in 1G98, a new Kdition of his travels, 
in which he included his discover) of the mouth of the 
.^lississippi, and dedicated it to King William. At this 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA ly 

period M. de la Salle was dead ; and it is asserted on good 
authority, that some of his papers fell into the hands of 
Hennepin. It is, therefore, reasonable to conclude, that, to 
revengt himself on the memory ot M. dc la Salle, and to 
arrogate to himself the honor of an impornni discovery, he 
appropriated the papers of his deceased rival i o his own 
use. It is equally reasonable to conclude, that the notes 
of M. de la Salle were incomplete, designed only as hints 
to aid the memory in detailing occurrences more at large, 
and unintelligible, perhaps, to every body but the writex. 
The ft:w accurate hints he has given of the Mississippi, 
and of the Country, between the Illinois and Arkansas, 
furnish no proof, that he visited or explored them. He 
cither purloined them from the notes of M. de la Salle, or 
from the remarks of Jolliet, who frequently detailed to 
him and others the particulars of his discoveries. It is 
also worthy of notice, that it was eleven years after the 
death of M. dc la Salle before Hennepin pretended to the 
discovery of the Ixjwer Mississippi. During this time M. 
Tonti had descended from the Illinois to that place ; and 
the information derived from hjm and his party, enabled 
Hennepin to impose on the world, a volume of surrepti- 
tious discoveries. Peter Kalm, the Swedish naturalist, 
in his account of Niagara f;ill, published in the Annual Re- 
gister for 1759, speaks thus of his character: " Father 
" Hennepin calls the fall six hundred feet perpendicular: 
" But he has gained little credit in (Canada ; the name of 
" honor thcv give him there, is, t/w great liar ; he writes 
" of what he saw in places where he never xvns.^^ These 
circumstances seem to destroy the authority of Hennepin ; 
his pretensions to the discovery of the mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi, are founded in fraud and imposture. 

M. de la Salle was extrcnuly pleased with the Countiy 
about the Illinois river. On his return to Canada, as has 
been already staled, he endeavoured to prrsuade his 
• untrvmen to accompany him to the Mis*issi])pi. A 



20 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

disposition for enterprise prevailed amon^them ; but they 
were poor, and the repeated losses of M. de la Salle had 
deprived him of all resources, except those of his fertile 
genius. M. Tonti, whom he left in command of Fort Cre- 
vecoeur, followed him to Canada ; by their united exertions 
supplies vi'ere eventually procured, as likewise a considera- 
ble number of adventurers, who were inclined to seek their 
fortunes in unknown regions. They set out with the de- 
sign of forming new settlements, and in 1683 arrived on 
the Mississippi. They established themselves on the east 
side of that river ; and Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and some 
other villages, were founded at this period. M. de la 
Salle, after he had regulated the affairs of his little Colony, 
left M. Tonti in command, and then proceeded with a 
number of men to the mouth of the Mississippi, where he 
made such observations as time and other circumstances 
permitted. He speedily returned to Quebec, and from 
thence passed over to France, and communicated the par- 
ticulars of his discoveries to the French ministry. 

The certainty of a great inland water communication 
from the gulf of St. Lawrence to that of Mexico, a dis- 
tance of about 3,500 miles, awakened the surprise and cu- 
riosity of the French Cabinet. This discovery was the 
foundation of that policy, which was ultimately adopted 
to extend round the English settlements a strong cordon, 
calculated to draw them gradually into the embraces of 
France. This policy bad less of hypothesis in it than was 
at first believed by the English. To carry it into effect, 
the French adopted the most artful and prudent precau- 
tions, and all their subsequent colonial measures tended to 
this point. 

A strong settlement was already formed on the Upper 
Mississippi, and it was deemed of primary imp.^rtance 
to form anodier at the mouth of that river. M. de la Salle 
was therefore supplied with four ships, their several crews, 
and 170 landsmen. Aft^r various difiicuhies and delays, 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 21 

occasioned by storms and other accidents among the A^'est 
India Islands, he at length made the continent, and landed 
his Colony, February 18th, 1685. J3eceived by the cur- 
rents m the gulf, or by his former observations, he sailed 
about three hundred miles to the westward of his destina- 
tion, and debarked his settlers at the mouth of the river 
Guadaloupe, on the west side of the bay of St. Bernard, 
in about N. Lat. 29 degrees. Here they were strongly 
opposed by the Indians, and a Fort was erected for their 
security. Here several other misfortunes awaited them, 
sufficient to check the ardor, and to break down the spi- 
rits of ordinary men. All their Vessels, and part of theii 
provisions and stores, were soon destroyed either by the 
violence of the winds, or the negligence of the Officers 
and Pilots. The diseases contracted in St. Domingo as- 
sumed a fatal type on their arrival, and about one hun- 
dred of the adventurers miserably perished. A voyage 
over land to the Illinois Country, where M. Tonti com- 
manded, seemed alone to promise the means of relief. 

Such indeed was the painful situation of the Colony, 
that it required more than ordinary firmness and caution 
in M. de la Salle to remedy the evils of it. In April 1686 
he selected tvventy of his best men, and proceeded by land 
in a north-east direction about 450 miles ; but was obliged 
to return on account of the desertion of four of his men, 
the sickness of himself and others, and the want of am- 
munition. In this excursion he visited many powerful na- 
tions of Indians, who in general treated him with kindness, 
and this created a spirit of desertion among his men. 

This retrograde movement was a terrible misfortune, 
as it protracted the period of relief. M. de la Salle felt 
the full force of it. The effect was to stimulate his exer- 
tions, and to animate him with the hopes of arriving at the 
Illinois in season to save his people from famine and death. 
He set out again in .T:inu;irv 1687, with the same num- 



22 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

ber of men, and directed his course more to the east- 
ward, perhaps to find the Mississippi. The rains had 
raised all the rivers, which impeded his progress, and 
imposed on him and his men the most incredible hard- 
ships. He likewise on this journey visited many nations 
of Indians, and some of them manifested hostile designs ; 
but his penetration and vigilance enabled him more than 
once to preserve the lives of his men. 

Some remission from about two months' incessant toil 
was rendered necessary, not only to recruit the strength 
and spirits of the men, but likewise to prepare a stock of 
provisions. M. de la Salle, therefore, halted for these 
purposes in a delightful part of the Country, where there 
appeared to be plenty of game. In this situation the men 
under his command had time to reflect on the fatigues 
they suffered, and secretly to deliberate on the means of 
escaping them. The)'' readily fancied, that their compa- 
nions, who deserted the year before, were happy among 
the Indians, and they felt a secret desire to participate 
with them the enjoyments of rural life. Under these ex- 
travagant impressions, they soon reconciled themselves to 
the commission of the blackest crimes. These " poor 
" fellows" had been accustomed " to beg their bread about 
" the streets of Rochelle," and honor and gratitude formed 
no part of their character. In fine, they resolved to mur- 
der such as were likely to obstruct their designs. M. de 
la Salle sent his nephew, servant, and hunter, in pursuit 
of game ; and these fell the first victims. Their long ab- 
sence rendered him uneasy, particularly as he had disco- 
vered treacherous symptoms in the conduct of his men ; 
and he went in search of his lost companions with the 
most awful presages of their destruction, and of his own 
fate. He finally found their dead bodies. The two mur- 
derers fired from their obscure retreat, and gave him a 
mortal wound, of which he shortly expired. 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OFiLOUISIANA. 2;> 

T^hus perished M. de la Salle on the 19th of March, 
1687, illustrious for his courage as well as misfortunes, 
and one of the greatest adventurers of the age in which 
he lived. His discoveries were extensive, and of impor- 
tance to his nation. He laid the foundation of the Colony 
of Louisiana. The difficulties and dangers he encounter- 
ed, added to his private virtues, seem to entitle him to 
our esteem and admiration. 

Immediately after this tragical event, a quarrel ensued 
about the command. The bosoms of all the men were 
not inaccessible to remorse ; and in this quarrel the two 
murderers were shot. The remainder of the party (among 
whom was Father Anastasius, who has left us an account 
of these transactions, and likewise a Priest by the name 
of Cavalier, brother to M. de la Salle) directed their 
course northward, and soon arrived among the Cenesians 
and Nassonians, where they were joined by the four men 
who deserted them the preceding year. The Cenesians 
prevailed on some to take up their abode among them, 
particularly those in any way concerned in the late muti- 
ny. The remaining seven, with Father Anastasius and 
Cavalier at their head, set out for the Illinois. The Ce- 
nesians furnished them with horses and guides to conduct 
them to the Cahirmois. These likewise furnished them 
with horses and guides to conduct them to the Arkansas, 
where they all arrived (except one man, v/ho was drown- 
ed by the way) in July 1687, and where, to their great 
joy and surprise, they found a Fort already erected, and 
a number of Canadian settlers planted about it. 

At the time of the expected arrival of M. de la Salle, 
more than two years before, M. Tonti descended to the 
mouth of the Mississippi to meet him. After a fruitless 
stay of some weeks, he proceeded on his return to the Il- 
linois. He entered the Arkansas river for the purposes 
of discovery, and soon found himself among the Indians 



24 IIISTOHICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

of that name. ITe made a treaty with that people, opened 
a trade with them, built a Fort, and made preparations for 
a settlement. The Soldiers he left here were soon joined 
by adventurers from Canada ; many of whom married In- 
dian womc;n. 

Father Anastasius calculates, that the distance from the 
bay of St. Bernard to the Arkansas, following the route 
of the party, was about six hundred miles. Many of the 
Colonists left at the former place perished with hunger 
and sickness, and by the stratagen)s of the Indians. About 
two years after the death of JVl. de la Salle, the surviving 
few were seized by the crews of some Spanish Vessels, 
and conducted to New Leon. 

The Spaniards about St. Augustine were not ignorant 
of the discoveries made by the French on various parts of 
the Mississippi, and they resolved to pn vent, if possible, 
their settlement in the Country, or at least to confine them 
to the Delta, where it was believed they would perish. 
For this purpose they founded Pensacola in 1696, and 
strongly fortified it ; well aware, that the French w^ould 
soon appear again on the coast. They even endeavoured 
to excite the prejudices of the Indians against them, and 
to engage them to commence hostilities on their arrival. 

Ibberville was the first royal French Governor, and he 
arrived with the first Colony in 1699 ; and from this pe- 
riod the Country was known by the name of Louisiana, 
which was given to it about nineteen years before by Fa- 
ther Hennepin. He entered the mouth of the Mississippi, 
and hovered on the coast for some time, in search of the 
setdement made by the unfortunate M. de la Salle. At 
length he landed his Colonists at old Baloxi, situated at 
the mouth of the Rio Perdido^ and twelve miles west of 
Pensacola river or bay, where he erected a Fort with 
four bastions, oa which he mounted twelve pieces of ord- 
nance. He went several times to France in pursuit of 



tirSTORtCAL SKE'rt;iTE9 OF LOUISIANA. 35 

isttlkrs ?nd necessaries for the province, and finally died 
in one of the Islands, while fitting out an expedition against 
the Englibh of Carolina. 

The success of colonization in a great measure depends 
on the reputation and resources of the first Colonists. 
Those of Canada were not famed for either ; but they 
much surpassed those of Jjower Louisiana in both. Two 
descriptions of Colonists came out under Ibberville. The 
first were unaccustomed to manual labor, but they posses- 
sed enterprise, and expected to gather fortunes from the 
mines and Indian trade. The second, and much the most 
numerous, were poor and idle, and expected to subsist on 
the bounty of Government rather than on the avails of 
their own industry. It may be readily conceived, that 
both were frustrated in their expectations. 

Disappointment and apathv succeeded the allurements 
held out to the adventurers. They had no inclination to 
labor ; nor were they supplied with the tools and imple- 
ments necessary to their various professions. Their situa- 
tion AYas rendered still more deplorable from the gradual 
additions made to their number j for, previously to the 
death of Ibberville, several hundred arrived, who were 
planted on Isle Dauphin, and along the Mobile and Per- 
dido. An intercourse was opened with the Spaniards at 
Pcnsacola, from whom they obtained some supplies of 
provisions, 'l^hey even extended their trade to the Ila- 
vanna and Vera Cruz, and drew from them many of the 
necessaries of life, particularly vegetables! They appear- 
ed wholly ignorant, that their own grounds were calcula- 
ted for the growth of the very articles they imported, or 
they were too indolent to try experiments in agriculture. 
The consequence was, that during the short administra- 
tion of Ibberville, upwards of sixty persons perished with 
hunger ; so that, at the close of the year ITOJ, the Colony 
was reduced to one hundred and fifty persons. 



26 HISTORICAL SKETCHKS OF LOLISIAXA. 

No doubt these distresses were multiplied from the 
want of power in the Colonial authorities to remedy abu- 
ses, and to guard against anticipated evils. The French 
Cabinet, from an ill-timed jealousy, reserved to itself the 
power of devising the necessary Colonial measures, even 
those of a local and sumptuary nature ; and hence the evils 
it aimed to avert, generally arrived, and oppressed the 
settlers, before any steps were taken for their relief. This 
ruinous system was persisted in till Louisiana fell into 
the hands of Crozat. 

One instance is sufficient to illustrate the bad policy of 
the French Cabinet. It was rumored in France, that fa- 
tal endemics prevailed on the Perdido. Peremptory or- 
ders were sent out to remove the Settlers to Isle Dauphin, 
and Mobile, places equally unfavorable to health, and these 
orders v/cre partly carried into effect in January 1 702 ; 
a small G.irrison and a few settlers only, were suffered to 
remain. The seat of Government, hitherto established on 
the Perdido, was likewise transferred to Isle Dauphin, 
where it remained till New Orleans was founded. So ea- 
ger were the authorities in France to ascribe to the climate 
what was the effect of their own ineflicient measures ! This 
removal operated to the great injury of the people. To 
abandon their dwellings, and be compelled to form new 
settlements in the wilderness, produced a train of misfor- 
tunes, not easily avoided by their slender means. It 
must be acknowledged, however, that they were partly 
the authors of their own distresses. They depended on 
the Government for those supplies, which the lands about 
them were calculated to yield in abundance, and with lit- 
tle labor. Notwithstanding the evidence of their senses, 
they persisted in the discovery of rich mines, and in the 
acquisition of fortunes in Indian Countries. 

During this period the setdements in the Illinois were 
in a much more prosperous condition. The climate was 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 27 

favorable to health, and the soil prolific. The inhabitants 
pursued agriculture as a secondary object only ; yet they 
were plentifully supplied with provisions. They were 
likewise exempt from Indian wars, which enabled them 
to prosecute their trade in safety. The same may be said 
of the lower Colony : For Ibberville made it his first care 
to establish peace among the Indian tribes, and between 
them and the French ; which continued, with one or two 
unimportant interruptions only, for several years. 

Notwithstanding the embarrassments of the French, 
projects of discovery were formed, and carried into effect ; 
more, perhaps, to ascertain the existence of mineral wealth, 
than to gratify mere speculative curiosity. Shortly after 
the arrival of the Colony, M. de St. Dennis penetrated se- 
veral hundred miles up Ri d Piver ; and in 1700 M. Biain- 
ville ascended the same River to the Yattersee villages on 
Bayou Pierre, and at the same time explored the "Washi- 
ta. The next year both these Rivers were more fully ex- 
plored by M. de St. Dennis, who spent six months on 
them ; and in 1703 a settlement was made on the banks 
of the latter. Another settlement, with a mission, was 
established at the same period on the Yazous. 

The French of Kaskaskia, as early as 1683, discovered 
some copper mines on the Mississippi, about six hundred 
miles above the mouth of the Illinois River, as likewise 
great quantities of different colored clays, which were con- 
sidered as valuable. In 1695 they formed an establish- 
ment at these mines, which so much incensed the Indians, 
that they were soon obliged to abandon it. 

Expectations of mineral wealth induced the Farmer- 
General to send out with Ibberville some experienced 
metallurgists. He had orders to attempt a settlement in 
the vicinity of the mines ; and this enterprise was under- 
taken in 1702. 'I'he French in that year erected a Fort, 
named V Huiller^ at the mouth of Blue River, said by 
them to be in "N'. Lat. 44 deg. 13 min. Thi'-. was consi- 



23 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

dered by the Indians as a fresh encroachment ; and the 
French, to avoid hostihties, retired in the course of a year 
to the mouth of a small River about twenty one miles 
above the de bon secoujs, or about one hundred miles above 
the Ouisconsing, where they built another Fort, and com- 
menced a settlement. Here they procured two thousand 
quintals of fine clay, and opened some mines of Copper. 
At another place, about forty miles above the River St. 
Croix, they found considerable quantities of Virgin Cop- 
per, particularly one piece (the) say of native brass) weigh- 
ing sixty pounds. The Indians still cherished prejudices 
against them ; and they finally became so troublesome, that 
the French found it prudent to abandon this part of the 
Country. 

These repeated interruptions were the more severely 
felt, as they blasted the prospects of a settlement at the 
source of the Mississippi, which the ministry designed, 
and had much at heart. The French next turned their 
attention to the Missouri; which they ascended in 1705 
to the mouth of the Kansas River, where they met with a 
welcome reception from the Indians. Their success in 
this quarter soon obliterated from their minds the rever- 
ses they had experienced on the Upper Mississippi, as 
likewise the very existence of the Copper mines. 

About this period the Jfinglish concerted apian to seize 
on Louisiana, and to expel the French. Several armed 
Vessels of that nation arrived in the Mississippi under 
the mask of friendship. Their object was suspected by M. 
Biainville, who commanded in the absence of the Gover- 
nor ; but he was in no condition to oppose them. The 
English, however, did not believe themselves jn the M'*.- 
sissinpi, and conceived it to be moi-e to the westward. 
This idea was encouraged bv M. Biainville ; but it served 
only to postpone the meditated blow. They soon after 
landed on Isle I>anphin, and plundered the French to tho 
amount of fifty thousand livres. 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 29 

On board of one of these Vessels was a French Protes- 
tant, who, with a number of others, liad fled from religi- 
ous persecution, and taken refuge in Carolina. lie found 
means to present a petition to M. Biainville, stating, " that 
" if the King would allow them the free exercise of their 
" religion, upwards of four hundred Protestant families 
*' would remove from among the English into liouisia- 
" na.'-* This petition was laid before the King, who re- 
turned for answer, " that he had not expelled them from 
" his kingdom to form a republic of them/' 

Perhaps no Colony, for the first few years of its exist- 
ence, ever suflered more than that of Louisiana. Between 
negligence and disappointment, connected with poverty 
and the endemics of the climate, the settlements gradually 
declined. The loss of Ibbervillc was severely felt, and 
the more so as, during the long vacancy occasioned by 
his death, jealousies were excited among the several Co- 
lonial authorities, and their contentious proceedings poi- 
soned the minds of the people. The Governor, or rather 
his Representative,' frequently exercised the power given 
him of suspension from office ; but this, instead of healing 
the public disorders, served only to embitter them. This 
power of suspension was greatly abused ; it was therefore 
withdrawn. The Governor was authorised to suspend the 
exercise of official functions, and suspension from office was 
reserved to the ministry. 

To an improper management, and want of system, may 
be traced most of the misfortunes v/e have stated. The 
crown was liberal in both men and money. During the 
lirst thirteen years, about 2500 Settlers arrived, and few 
of them ever returned ; and the money expended on the 
Colony, during the same period, amounted to the enor- 
mous sum of CS9,000 livres : Yet such were the sufferings 
of the Colony, that, in 1712, it contained only four hundred 
Whites, twenty iNegro i^laves, and diree hundred head of 
Cattle. 



30 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

At this time the wars in Europe demanded all the at- 
tention and resources of France. The King, though obli- 
ged to withhold from Louisiana the usual supplies of men 
and money, was determined to keep it out of the hands of 
his enemies ; and for this purpose granted it to Crozat m 
1712. The great wealth and credit of this Gentleman, 
and the important services he had rendered the crown, 
were sure pledges of his ability and exertions ; and it was 
confidently expected, that he would prevent the extinction 
of the Colony. Another motive, perhaps still stronger, 
led to the concession. The provincial authorities were 
hostile to each other, and it required some steady and en- 
ergetic hand to heal the disorders among them. M. de 
la Motte, who was the first Governor under the grant, ar- 
rived in iri3, and took possession of his Government. 

The English were always jealous of the French Colo- 
nies, and took no small pains to obstruct their prosperity. 
They at length prevailed on the Spaniards to shut their 
ports against them, and to suspend the usual intercourse. 
This was the more injurious, as the French depended on 
Pensacola, and the other Spanish settlements, for most of 
their supplies. Perhaps their wants were as great at this 
as any former period, particularly as Crozat sent out a con- 
sidei-able number of Settlers. In fine, this suspension of 
intercourse produced an unpleasant state of things, which 
eventuated in actual war. If, indeed, peace had hitherto 
subsisted between the French and Spaniards, it resulted 
more from mutual fear than friendship. 

About this time a rumor prevailed, that the Mexican 
Spaniards meditated an establishment on the east side of 
the Rio Bravo. To ascertain the fact, and to gain other 
intelligence, M. de St. Dennis was despatched in 1714 to 
Natchitoches with thirty men ; part of whom he left at 
that place to form a settlement, and the remainder attend- 
ed him in his inland voyage of discovery. Ko Spaniards 
were found to the eastward of the Rio Bravo, nor had any 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 31 

passed that river ; but a number of them, under the com- 
mand of a Captaiii Raymond, had just arrived on the 
west bank of it, where they erected a Fort, called St. John 
Baptist. jM. de St. Dennis was received in a friendly 
manner, and while there, married the sister of that offi- 
cer, and a near relation of the Viceroy of Mexico. 

The main object of the Spaniards was to penetrate to 
Red River, and in this way to circumscribe or weaken the 
claims of the French; but they dreaded them too much to 
make the attempt, or to interrupt them in their voyages of 
discovery. They were content to create a province, with- 
out inhabitants, on the east side of the Rio Bravo, and to 
call it Texas. 

The policy of this measure was understood j and to de- 
feat it, the French the same year (1714) sent two detach- 
ments into that Country. One built a Fort, called the 
Dout^ ni ar the source of the Sabine, which was maintain- 
ed till liouisiana changed masters. The other penetrated 
to a nation of Indians, called the Assinais, situated on a 
small River about twenty seven or thirty miles to the 
westward of the present Spanish village of Nacogdoches, 
or about 140 miles to the westward of Red River, where 
they built a Fort, the ruins of which still remain, and took 
every other precaution in their power to vindicate their 
rights. During the two or three succeeding years, they 
several times visited the Rio Bravo ; both to watch the 
motions of the Spaniards, and to gain additional informa- 
tion of the Countr}'. 

No complaints of intrusion were made by the Spaniards. 
They meditated a deeper game, and artifice was the wea- 
pon with which they designed to accomplish their wishes ; 
particularly as they knew the Indians to be friendly to the 
French, and felt themselves incompetent to contend with 
both. They conceived it practicable to seduce the French 
into an approbation of their measures, and even to render 
them subservient to their own views. 



32 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

A Spanish Franciscan Friar, by the name of YJaldo,* 
was the principal agent in this affair. He addressed a 
letter to M. de la Motte, and requested his assistance and 
concurrence in a mission to the Assinais. It was contimon 
in those times for the Missionaries of two rival nations, 
iiot to say belligerents, attended by the troops of both, to 
unite in spreading the light of the Gospel among the chil- 
dren of darkness. The conversion of the heathen was 
considered by them as a sacred duty, and paramount to 
all secular views and obligations. Still many frauds and 
impositions, and even crimes, were committed under the 
mask of religion, and ambition was as incident to. the 
mitre as the crown. The Spaniards meditated the ex- 
pulsion of the French from the Assinais,"and they eventu- 
ally effected it. 

M. de la Motte penetrated the motives of this mission, 
and he saw the danger with which it was pregnant : But 
he was inclmed to assent to it, though not without an am- 
ple equivalent ; he entertained the belief that he should be 
able to frustrat" the views of the Spaniards, and at the 
same time, from a temporising police obtain provisions and 
other necessaries for the Colony. He anticipated many in- 
superable difficulties from a state of war, and therefore re- 
solv..'d to avoid it, particularly as he was not furnished with 
the means of carrying it on, and as the people were desti- 
tute of the necessaries of life. 

Instead of entering into any discussion with Ydaldo, he 
conceived it most prudent to send an Agent to M-.xico, 
properly authorised to conclude a Treaty, and to obtain 
a revival of the commercial intercourse, which was some- 

* This man was an artful cunning' priest, extremely bold and daring^ 
in his actions. He was at the head of : he missions in Texas, and makes 
a conspicuous fi;;ure in the history of that Country. He published an 
account of the most material transactions oi liis life, which was long 
and active, and several families in Nacogdoclies are in possession of 
the work. And finally, he was canonized for tlic services he had re;\- 
dered to his religion and Government ! 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 33 

time before suspended at the instigation of the English, 
M. de St. Dennis was deemed the most suitable person 
to conduct the negociation, particularly as he was inti- 
mately acquainted with the concerns of the Colony. In 
addition to this qualification, he commanded at Natchito- 
ches, and his courage and military talents had gained him 
universal respect. The Spaniards dreaded him as an 
enemy ; many Indian nations so much esteemed him as to 
make him their Chief; and it was likewise conceived, 
that his marriage with a Spanish Lady of rank would en- 
sure him a welcome reception at Mexico, and add much 
to his influence. He was accordingly invested with full 
powers to negociate a commercial Treaty, and to remove 
the obstacles in the way of a friendly intercourse between 
the French and Spaniards. 

On his arrival at Mexico in June 1715 he was favora- 
bly received by the Viceroy, who pledged himself to con- 
clude the Treaty in question, and to suffer the French of 
Louisiana to import provisions and other necessaries from 
the Spanish Provinces, as soon as the Mission was esta- 
blished among the Assinais. In making this verbal ar- 
rangement, the Viceroy was unquestionably sincere ; and 
to exact of the French the fulfilment of a previous con- 
dition, was deemed by him as mere matter of precaution. 

M. de St. Dennis, on reporting to M. de la Motte the 
conditions of the agreement, was directed to carry them 
into effect. He accordingly hastened to the fortress of St. 
John Baptist, where he formed a caravan, put himself at 
the head of it, and in the early part of the year 1717 con- 
ducted the Spaniards to the Assinais. He assembled the 
Chiefs and old men of that nation, and persuaded them, 
much against their inclination, to admit the strangers among 
tliem. This was the first time the Spaniards ever appear- 
ed on the east side of the Rio Bravo ; except in one in- 
stance by way of the Gulf, when they took away the 



34. HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

wretched remains of the Colony planted by M. dela SaUe 
on the bay of St. Bernard. 

In the month of May of that year, M. de St. Dennis 
arrived the second time at Mexico, expecting a punctual 
fulfilment of the stipulations already made, and taking 
with him a considerable quantity of merchandise to ex- 
change for such articles as were indispensably necessary 
in Louisiana. But what was his chagrin and disappoint- 
ment, when he found the old Viceroy on his death-bed, 
and his successor indifferent to his claims ! Still greater 
was his disappointment when he found himself arrested, 
and confined in a dungeon, denounced as a Smuggler and 
Spy, and his merchandise seized and condemned as con- 
traband. This act of injustice excited the murmurs of 
the Spanish populace, particularly as M. de St. Dennis 
was a public authorised Agent, and not only highly res- 
pected among them, but connected by marriage with some 
of the first families in the Spanish Provinces. Such in- 
deed was the irritation of the public mind, that he was li- 
berated from confinement, but restricted to the limits of 
the City. His situation was extremely disagreeable, if 
not dangerous, and he determined to seize the first favor- 
able moment, and attempt the recovery of his liberty. 
Accordingly in St-ptember 1718 he escaped from Mexico 
in the night, soon procured a good Horse by dismount- 
ing the rider, and finally arrived in Louisiana in April 
1719. 

In the mean time, immediately after the death of the 
Viceroy, the Spaniards gradually added to their numbers 
at the Assinais, till the French at that place found them- 
selves too weak to counteract their designs. The fate of 
M. de St. Dennis b^t too cleai-ly pointed out what they 
had a right to expect for themselves, and concluded it 
best to retire in season from the snare evidently preparing 
for them. 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 35 

Thus the Spaniards, by fraud and deception, and in 
violation of mutual agreements, established themselves 
within the territory previously discovered and occupied 
by the French ; and hence they never acquired a legiti- 
mate right to that part of the Country. 

During the existence of this fruitless negociation (in 
1716) the French formed a settlement at the Natchez, 
and built Fort Rosalie for their protection. M. de la 
Motte likewise died, and was succeeded in the Govern- 
ment by M. Biainville, who had been concerned in most 
of the events subsequent to the arrival of the first Colony. 
This accession, though a mark of honorable distinction, 
proved to him a source of great vexation. As he was 
both a Statesman and a Soldier, he was much better quali- 
fied than his predecessor to stem the tide of adversity ; but 
such was the reduced state of the province, that he almost 
despaired of preserving it. All the ports on the continent. 
were closed against the French, and they found it difficult 
to obtain supplies from France. 

Five years experience convinced Crozat, that he had 
nothing to expect from Louisiana. Notwithstanding he 
had furnished large .supplies of men and money, no pros- 
pect of indemnity presented itself. The Settlers enter- 
tained a rooted aversion to agriculture, and immense 
sums were lavished in purchasing provisions for them. 
During these five years he expended 425,000 livres, while 
the whole trade of the province yielded him no more than 
300,000 livres, leaving a balance against him of 125,000 
livres. Under these circumstances, in 1717, he relinquish- 
ed his patent to the Mississippi Companvj projected by 
the celebrated John Law. At this period the province 
contained only seven hundred Persons, and four hundred 
head of Cattle. 

From the ability and enterprise of this Company, great 
expectations were formed, and Louisiana began to attract 
the attention of the monied capitalists of Europe. An 



36 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

extensive and lively commerccj and the discovery of 
mines (which for more than two centuries had eluded 
the avidity of the Spaniards) were to fill the exhausted 
coffers of France, and to yield princely fortunes to the 
numerous adventurers. These prospects, however, were 
not to be realised without an increase of population. Ex- 
ertions were made to obtain and send out settlers ; but an 
inadequate provision was made for their support in the 
Colony. 

In the course of the first six years, the Mother Country 
and the Islands furnished four thousand and forty four 
Settlers, likewise one hundred and fifty Galley Slaves, 
and several hundred females taken from the charity and 
correction houses. During the same period, one thousand 
four hundred and forty one Africans were landed in Lou- 
isiana. Such an accession of inhabitants contributed only 
to augment the general distress. The consequence was, 
that many hundreds of them perished with hunger and 
sickness. Perhaps the year 1721 may be selected as the 
period of the greatest calamity in Louisiana; every coun- 
tenance was covered with a melancholy gloom ; the sick 
were without medicine, as well as the other comforts 
adapted to their situation ; and children perished from 
want in the arms of their mothei's. Such indeed, in that 
year, was the want of pi-ovisions, that the troops, station- 
ed on the Perdido, Isle Dauphin, and Mobile, were divi- 
ded among, and obliged to seek support from, the Indian 
villages about the Country. 

The interdiction of commerce, which took place in 1713, 
not only rendered it diflicult for the French to obtain sup- 
plies, but was always considered by them as the precur- 
sor of war; and this broke out in 1719. The King of 
Spain refused to accede to the triple alliance ; and this re- 
fusal drew from France a declaration of war in the month 
of March of that year. On the arrival of this intelligence 
5n Louisiana, a council of war was immediaiely coiive- 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 37 

ned, and it was resolved to attack Pensacola before it 
could be reinforced from the Islands. Accordingly M. 
Biainville, with four hundred Indians and a party of Ca- 
nadian French, hastened to invest that post by land, while 
three armed Vessels joined in the attack by Sea. The 
Spanish Commandant, to avoid an escalade, conceived it 
prudent to capitulate. The French agreed to save the 
Fort from pillage, and to send the prisoners to the Ha- 
vanna. On the arrival in that port of the two Vessels em- 
ployed to transport them, they were seized and condemn- 
ed by the Spaniards, and their crews secured in dungeons, 
contrary to the laws of war. In the mean time a number 
of Spanish Vessels, unapprised of the capitulation, enter- 
ed the harbor of Pensacola, and were captured. 

The Spaniards were not backward in attempting to re- 
possess themselves of that place. In the month of Au- 
gust their Flotilla appeared before it. They found means 
to excite a mutiny among the French Soldiery, which 
obliged the town to surrender at discretion. The prison- 
ers were sent to the Ilavanna. 

This partial success led the Spaniards to believe, that 
they were able to drive the French out of Louisiana. Du- 
ring the same month, their Flotilla arrived before Isle 
Dauphin*. The Spanish Commander peremptorily dc 
manded of M. Biainville an unconditional surrender, and 
declared that, in case of a refusal, he should treat him " os 
an ince7idiary ;" that he would give no quarter, and that 
the prisoners taken at Pensacola should experience tbe 
same fate. To this angry rodomontade an answer was 
returned, and it was such as became a brave man. The 
Flotilla then invested and bombarded the Island during 
thirteen successive days, sometimes attempting to land 
troops, and at others keeping up a regular and constant 

• This isliind is sitiuite'l near the mouth of the INIobile River, in 
about N. Lat. 30 degrees, 10 minutes. At the time of which we speak, 
it was eiijhleen miles lor.p. 



38 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

fire on the Garrison, and on a s nail Vessel of war in the 
harbor. But the unexpected appearance of a French squa- 
dron on the coast induced the Spaniards to make a preci- 
pitate retreat. 

This squadron arrived at Isle Dauphin on the first of 
September, laden with goods and provisions, troops and 
settlers. These supplies revived the hopes of the French, 
and they again resolved to attempt the reduction of Pen- 
sacola, particularly as a Spanish fleet was hourly expected 
from Vera Cruz. M. Biainville rendezvoused on the 
Perdido a considerable body of French and Indians. He 
immediately put himself at their head, and marched and 
laid siege to the principal Fort, while the fleet entered 
the harbor, where it met with a warm reception from a 
small battery. But the Spanish Ordnance was speedily 
silenced, and the pallisades, with which the town was en- 
closed, levelled with the ground. The French then en- 
tered without opposition. The lives of the inhabitants 
were spared, but their dwellings were given up to the 
pillage of the Indian auxiliaries. The number killed was 
not considerable on either side. The French obtained 
eighteen hundred prisoners. From these were selected 
three hundred and sixty, who were transported to the Ha- 
vanna, accompanied with a request, that the Spaniards 
would return the French prisoners at that place. This 
was the more readily granted, as the staff and principal 
officers were retained as hostages at Isle Dauphin. 

In this, as in the former case, several Spanish Vessels 
entered the harbor of Pensacola soon after its reduction, 
and v/ere captured by the French ; by which means rhey 
obtained some prisoners, and no small quantity of provi- 
sions and stores. 

As they were apprised, that a strong fleet was fitting 
out at Vera Cruz, which was probably destined lor Flori- 
da, they destroyed the fortifications, and reduced the to\rn 
(o ashes ; and then reoaired to the Mobile, leaving behind 



HJSTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 39 

an Officer, and a few men, to watch the motions of the 
enemy. Things remained in this state till 1722, when the 
truce put the Spaniards again in possession of Pensacola. 
From this period the Perdido was considered as the boun- 
dary line between the two Colonies; the Spanish laws 
operated on one side, and those of the French on the 
other. 

The Mississippi Company, even in the midst of the 
troubles already stated, aimed to form new barrier settle- 
ments, partly to maintain the territorial claims of France, 
and partly to arrest the progress of the Spaniards. For 
this purpose, immediately after the reduction of Pensaco- 
la in 1719, a considerable detachment was ordered to the 
bay of St. Joseph, where a Fort was erected. This was 
intended, in conjunction with the other establishments on 
the coast, to exclude the Spaniards wholly from this part 
of Florida. The troops, however, suffered great hard- 
ships from the want of provisions, and desertions were 
finally so prevalent, that the French abandoned the posi- 
tion. 

Bernard de la Harp*, the same year, with a body of 
troops, ascended Red River to the villages of the Cad- 
doques in N. Lat. 33 deg. 55 min. where he built a Fort, 
called Sf^ Louis de Carlorette^ on the right bank of that ri- 
ver. He wrote to the Spanish Commandant at the Assi- 
nais, informing him, that he was directed by his Govern- 
ment to assume a station on Red River, and charged to 
cultivate a good understanding with the subjects of 
Spain. He at the same time forwarded to him a letter 



* The author has had access to the manuscript journal of this Gen- 
tleman, which has been transmitted to this time. It in a great 
measure comprehends the history of Louisiana from its fust discovery 
to 1722. As his authority is of weight, the author is bound to ac- 
knowledge, that hj^ is indebted to him for many important facts re- 
corded in the first part of this chapter, as also in that respecting tiie 
extent and boundaj-ies of Louisiana. 



40 lIISrORICAL SKKTCUES OF LOUISIANA. 

from M. Biainville. M. de la Harp likewise wrote to 
the superior of the missions in Texas, and expressed a 
desire to open a trade with the Spaniards, assured him of 
his friendship, and professed to have much at heart the 
conversion of the Infidels. He proposed to him to re- 
ceive the merchandize, and to be the Agent in this traffic. 

The Spanish Commandant returned for answer, that 
while he was disposed to maintain peace with the French, 
it was his duty to inform him, that the post he occupied was 
within the territory of his master, and that if he did not 
abandon it, he should be obliged to attack him. 

The answer of the Priest exhibited a more conciliatory 
aspect. He wished for a mutual correspondence, and for 
an opportunity of serving M. de la Harp ; but as it did 
not become a Clergyman to be concerned in mercantile 
enterprises, their intercourse ought to be kept a secret, 
more particularly as his commandant was unfriendly to 
him. Yet he at the same time observed that, as his com- 
mandant had treated the Indians improperly, and disobey- 
ed the orders of the Viceroy, such charges had been for- 
warded against him as would probably cause his removal 
from office. 

The contents of this letter afforded M. de la Harp some 
idea of the character of his adversary, which the better 
enabled him to reply to his threat and pretensions. 

He therefore told him, that his dispositions to maintain 
peace did not agree with his proceedings ; that Biainville 
was well informed of the limits of his Government ; that 
the post he then occupied was not within the dominions 
of Spain ; that the Spaniards well knew the province, 
which they called Texas, to be pare of Louisiana ; that 
M. de la Salle took possession of it in 1665, and that this 
possession had been renewed at "various times since that 
period ; that the Spanish adventurer, Do7i Antonio du Mi- 
roii-y who discovered the northern provinces in 1683, ne- 
ver penetrated east of New Mexico, or the Rio Bravo 



iirSTURlCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 4I 

that the. Frt-nch were the first to make alliances with the 
Indian nations ; that the rivers flowing into the Mississip- 
pi, consequently the lands between them, belonged to 
France j and that if he would do him the pleasure of a 
visit, he would find, that he occupied a post, which he 
knew how to defend. 

Here ended the contest about this post, which was 
maintained by the French till Louisiana fell into the hands 
of Spain, and during this time the Spaniards never gave 
them any trouble. They formed a small settlement, and 
built a mill at this place. They cultivated wheat, corn, 
and tobacco, and carried on a trade with the Indians. 
They discovered a saline in this quarter, which yielded 
plenty of salt ; and M. Dutisne of Kaskaskia, about the 
same time discovered another " of mineral rock salt" near 
the Kansas river. 

M. de la Harp pursued his discc^-eries to the Arkan- 
sas. On that river he visited an Indian village of three 
miles in extent, containing upwards of four thousand per- 
sons. It was situated about one hundred and twenty 
miles south west of the Osages. The excursions of the 
Spaniards were at that time limited to the sources of Red 
River and the Arkansas in the Mexican mountains, " where 
they found plenty of rock salt," and whei'e " they worked 
some silver mines." 

At this period an attempt was likewise made to form a 
settlement in the bay of St. Bernard. The conduct of the 
expedition was confided to M. Beranger, who sailed three 
hundred and ninety miles to the westward of the Missis- 
sippi, and landed in N. Lat. 27 degrees, 45 minutes. Here 
he built a small Fort, and leaving five of his men to de- 
fend it, returned with the remainder to the Mobile for a 
reinforcement. Huring his absence the Indians took one 
of his men, and killed the other four. The Company al- 
ways had it in contemplation to form n strong s( ttlement 
in this quarter, and considerable blame was attached to 



42 HISfOlilCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the Colonial Officers for their negligence. But the Indians 
were opposed to the admission of the whites among them ; 
and the fate of M. de la Salle and Colony, cooled the ar- 
dor of subsequent adventurers. 

The population had become so numerous in 1720, that 
the French authorities were constrained to devise some 
efficacious measures to relieve the wants of the Colony. 
They therefore resolved to strengthen their barrier posts, 
and to disperse the people on plantations. A large num- 
ber went to Natchitoches, and on their arrival attacked 
the Spaniards at the Adaize, deprived them of their pro- 
perty, and drove them from that place. Another party 
repaired to their plantations about Natchez, and the St. 
Catharine*s ; others fixed themselves in the Delta, particu- 
larly at New-Orleans, which was founded at this time, 
and soon after became the seat of Government. The 
French likewise erected Fort Chartres in the neighbour- 
hood of Kaskaskia, and took every other precaution in their 
power to guard themselves against their enemies, and to 
raise a sufficient quantity of provisions for the consump- 
tion of the Colony. 

The French were at last apparently convinced of their 
destructive policy, and now for the first time attempted 
an innovation. If this had not been carried to extremes, 
the benefits resulting from it would have been more per- 
ceptible 3nd permanent. Sensible of the sterility of the 
lands about the O'd Baloxi, or Perdido, the settlers were 
removed in the first instance from that place to Isle Dau- 
phin and Mobile, and subsequently to New Baloxi, situa- 
ted r.')out forty tnilt.'. to the westward of that river. This 
proved extremely injurious to them, and expensive to the 
Government; especially as such frequent removals depri- 
ved them of the opportunity of raising their crops, and as 
the last position was not less sickly and barren than those 
they had previously occupied. This fatal step was soon 
discovered, but not easily retraced, and the several branch- 



JIISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 43 

cs of the Government were eager to throw the blame on 
each other. Hence those animosities and suspensions from 
office already noticed. The dispersion of the people on 
plantations was likewise productive of a serious evil, though 
of a temporary nature. They found it difficult to subsist 
during the growth of their first crops ; and hence those ca- 
lamities and distresses, particularlj' in 1721, to whirh the 
attention of the reader has already been drawn. These and 
other embarrassments extorted from the company vast 
sums of money ; so that the expenditure for the year 
17^2 only, amounted to no less than 1,163,256 livres. 

The dispersion of the settlers rendered a new system 
of jurisprudence indispensible. Before this period all 
suits were decided at the seat of Government. Lower 
Louisiana was now divided into Districts, to each of which 
was assigned a Commandant and a Judge, though in most 
instances both offices were united in the same person. The 
jurisdiction of the District Judge extended to all civil 
and criminal suits, except capital offences j and appeals 
lay in every instance to the provincial council. The same 
system, with some slight modifications, was maintained 
till the country fell into the hands of the United States. 

Notwithstanding the French had been more than once 
frustrated in their attempts to form a settlement on the 
Bay of St. Bernard, yet the Company determined to make 
another effort. For this purpose M. de la Harp, in 1721, 
embarked at New Orleans under a royal order, with a de- 
tachment of troops, engineers, and draftsmen, and was di- 
rected to take a more accurate view of the Country than 
his predecessors had done. He found eleven and an half 
feet of water on the bar, and at the entrance of the bay, four 
large rivers falling into it, probably the Trinity, Brassos, 
Guadaloupc, and Colorulo. He also found the soil along the 
coast extremely fertile, the Country beautiful and variegated 
with woods, prairies andstreamsof pure water. On the coast 
of this bay he planted the arms of France, and took formal 



44 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

possession of the territory in the name of his Sovereign. The 
right of France to it was said in his instructions to be de- 
rived from the actual possession of M. de la Salle in 1G85, 
as well as from subst-quent discoveries ; and he was parti- 
cularly directed, that if the Spaniards opposed his esta- 
blishment, to defend himself to the last extremity. The 
Spaniards were unpopular in this quarter, and therefore 
had not visited it over land, and only once by sea. But 
the Indians still retained their former enmity to the 
French ; they still remembered the slaughter made among 
them by M. de la Salle, and the more recent trespass^f 
M. Beranger. Such indeed were their threats and hos- 
tile preparations, that M. de la Harp did not deem it pru- 
dent to attempt an establishment ; he therefore seized se- 
%'eral of them, put them on board his Vessel, and then re- 
turned to New Orleans. The object he had in view by 
this seizure was to excite in the minds of the Indians a 
favf)rable opinion of the French by means of the captives, 
whom he intended to return to their nation, after inspiring 
them with confidence, treating them with kindness, and 
loading them with presents ; but, thinking themselves 
doomed to destruction, they found means of escaping in 
the nighty and some of them, on their way home, perished 
with hunger in the wilderness. Hence this stratagem, in- 
stead of promoting the interest of the French, destroyed 
gll hopes of a friendly mtercourse with the Indians about 
the bay of St. Be rnard. 

Neither the French nor Spanish Colonists were inclined 
to carry on a systematic war; but as they were competi- 
tors in the Indian trade, and the rights of territory fre- 
quently came in question, they maintained a kind of pre- 
datory warfare for several years. The perfidy practised 
on M. de St. Dennis kept alive the resentment of the 
French : and the reduction of Pensacola, and the unfriend- 
ly disposition manifested by some of the Indian tribes in 
Lpuisiana, wounded the pride of the Spaniards, Hither- 



mSTOKICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISFANA. 45 

to the t^rench had been remarkably successful in their at- 
tempts to maintain peace with the Indians in their neigh- 
bourhood. The Chickasavvs alone gave them trouble ; 
the English often instigated them to hostilities. The de- 
predations made by the French and Spaniards on each 
other, even while their mother Countries were at peace, 
may be traced in the first instance to mutual jealousies, 
and in the second to the mutual infliction of real or ima- 
ginary injuries. 

The Spaniards exulted in the treacherous expulsion of 
the French from the Assinais ; and as they were so suc- 
cessful in forming an establishment at that place, they re- 
solved to repeat the experiment in a distant quarter, par- 
ticularly as their rivals began to appear formidable on Bed 
River. They well knew the importance of the Missouri, 
and were anxious to secure a strong position on its banks. 
They readilv perceived, that such a measure, if prose- 
cuted with success, would effectually hold in check the 
Illinois French, confine their territorial claims to the bor- 
ders of the Mississippi, and turn the current of the In- 
dian trade. Their first object was to attack and destroy 
the nation of Missouris,* situated on the Missouri, at 
no great distance from the Kansas river, within whose 
jurisdiction they meditated a setdement. These Indians 
%vere the firm friends of the French, and this rendered 
their destruction the more necessary. At this time they 
were at war with the Pawnes, and the Spaniards designed 
to engage these as auxiliaries in the enterprise. A consi- 
derable Colony, therefore, started from Santa Fe in 1720, 
and marched in pursuit of the Pawne Villages ; but they 
lost their way, and unluckily arrived among the Missou- 
ris, whose ruin they meditated. Ignorant of their mis- 
take, (the Missouris speaking the Pawne language) they 
communicated their sentiments without reserve, and re- 

* Thi'o nation is now nearly cxiinc*. 



46 HISTORrCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

quested their co-operation. The Indians manifested no 
surprise at this unexpected %Msit, and only requested time 
to assemble their warriors. At the end ol fort)' eight 
hours about two thousand of them appeared in arms. 
They attacked the Spaniards in the night, while reposing 
themselves in fatal security, and killed all of them, ex- 
cept the Priest who escaped the slaughter by means of 
his horse. Various writers assert, that these colonists 
aimed to find the Osage villages ; but the records of San- 
ta Pe authorize the statement we have given. 

This boldness of the Spaniards in penetrating into d. 
Country with which they had no previous acquaintance, 
at least six hundred miles from their own, apprised the 
French of their danger, and warned them to provide 
agiiinst a repetition of encroachment. M. de Burgmont, 
therefore, was despatched with a considerable force, who 
took possession of an Island in the Missouri, some dis- 
tance above the Osage river, on which he built Fort Or- 
leans. 

On his arrival at that place, he found the various nati- 
ons about him engaged in a sanguinary war, which dimi- 
nished the trade, and rendered all intercourse extremely 
hazardous. Hencp it became an object of importance to 
bring about a general peace. ^Fliis was attempted with 
the desired success in 1724. Soon after this event, how- 
ever, Fort Orleans was attacked and totally destroyed, 
when all the French were massacred, but it was never 
known by whom this bloody work was performed. About 
this period the French began to experience troubles of a 
serious nature from the Indians, which were not entirely 
surmounted till after a lapse of sixteen years. 

Of all the Indians known to the French, the Natchez 
were the most servicealile, and at the same time the most 
terrible to them. Ibberville visited them soon after his 
arrival in the country. Settlers at various times planted 
themselves among them, particularly a large body of 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF t OUISIANA. 47 

them, when the Government dispersed them on planta- 
tions. Some indeed, penetrated to the Yazous, where 
they huilt a Fort, which was destroyed in 1723 by the 
Chickasaws. The French adventurers wer- fiuourably 
received by the Natchez, who supplied them with provi- 
sions, assisted them in their tillage, and in building their 
houses: In fine, their friendly .tertions saved the strin- 
gers from famine and death. 

It happened in this as in most other connexions of the 
kind, that the Whites encroached on the rights of the In- 
dians, and excited their jealousy. The Natchez posses- 
sed the strongest disposition to oblige, and would have 
continued eminently useful to the French, if the com- 
mandant of Fort Rosalie had not treated them with in- 
dignity and injustice. The first dispute between them 
occurred in 1723. An old Natchez warrior had obtained 
credit of a soldier, and agreed to deliver some corn in 
payment. About the time the debt became due, the latter 
demanded his pay ; he was answered, that the corn was 
too green to be gathered, but that it should be delivered 
as soon as possible. Not satisfied with this excuse, the 
soldier threatened to beat the old man, which so much 
incensed him, that he retired from the Fort, and chal- 
lenged his opponent to single combat. This induced the 
soldier to cry murder ! when the old man departed for his 
village. The Guard was pressed to fire, and one of them 
was so imprudent as to do it, when the old man received 
a mortal wound. No punishment was inflicted on the 
perpetrators of this deed ; they received a slight repri- 
mand only from the commandant, who, in other respects, 
had rendered himself extremely obnoxious to the Natchez. 

As revenge is the predominant passion of the Indians, 
no wonder the murder of a warrior prompted the Nat- 
chez to take up arms. They attacked the French in all 
quarters, and killed many of them. At last the Scung 
Serpent, an influential chief, was prevailed on to inter- 



48 HiSTORICAl SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

pose his authority, and the slaughter ceased. This gene- 
rous interposition probably prevented the utter extermi- 
nation of the French in this quarter. A treaty of peace 
was the resylt ; mutual confidence was restored ; and all 
former enmities appeared to be buried in oblivion. 

This peace had no other effect than to lull the Natchez 
in security, and to preciptate the French into the black- 
est treachery. It was duly ratified by M. Biainville ; yet 
he took advantage of it to inflict a sudden and dreadful 
blow on these innocent people ! lie found means to elude 
their cautious vigilance, and soon after the peace, arrived 
at Fort Rosalie with seven hundred men, when he attack- 
ed the defenceless natives, slaughtered them in their huts, 
and demanded the head of one, whom he styled a muti- 
nous Chief, as the price of peace, with which they were 
obliged to comply. This war, or rather wanton slaugh- 
ter lasted four days. 

From this moment the Natchez despaired of ever liv- 
ing in peace with the French, who, although loaded with 
benefits, daily usurped their lands, and inflicted personal 
injuries, and whose insolence and rapaciousness increased 
with their numbers. They reflected on the ingratitude 
of the French, who studiously rewarded their kindness 
with injustice ; they even anticipated the assumption of a 
still more dreadful power over them, calculated at no re- 
mole period to destroy their existence as a nation. Hence 
they perceived no medium between their own ruin, and 
the total annihilation of their enemies. This painful al- 
ternative rendered them thoughtful, distrustful, and pen- 
sive, and extremely timid in devising the means of futur 
security. 

Shortly after the slaughter just mentioned, a French 
Officer accidentally met the Stung Serpent, who appeared 
disposed to avoid him. " Why do you wish to shun me - 
" we were once friends ; are we no longer so ?" said the 
Oflicer. The indignant Chief replied in a long speed- 



IIlSTOniCAL SKF/rCIIKS OF LOUISIANA. 49 

and among other things observed ; " AVhy did the French 
" come into our country ? we did not go to seek them. 
" They asked us fur land, and we told them to take it 
u were they pleased ; there was enough lor th. m and for 
" us ; the same Sun ought to enlighten us both, and we 
" ought to walk together as friends in the same path ; 
" we promised to give them food, assist them to build, 
" and to labour in the fields. We have done so." The 
Natchez Were well convinced, that they could not openly 
contend with the French. This made them the more pa- 
tient of injuries, and they resolved to bear them as long 
as thev were tolerable. , 

Affairs remained in this situation till 1729, when a cir- 
cumstance occurred, which justified the highest resent- 
ment of the Natchez, but which ultimately plunged them 
into ruin. 

M. de Chopart, the Commandant of Fort Rosalie, had 
been guilty of such repeated acts of injustice, as to ren- 
der an investigation of his conduct indispensable ; and for 
this purpose he was ordered to New Orleans. This event 
excited much joy among the Indians, but it was of short 
duration. That Officer appeared before M. Perier, who 
at that time administered the Government, and found 
means to justify his proceedings in such a manner as to 
be re-instated in his command. On his return to his 
post he conceived himself at liberty to indulge his 
malice against the Indians; partly on account of the trou- 
ble they had given him, but much more on account ot the 
satisfaction manifested by them at the prospects of his 
disgrace. As some gratification to his spite, he suddenly 
resolved to build a town on the site of the village of the 
White Apple,* " which covered a square of about three 

• Tins village was situated about twelve miles below the present city 
of Natchez, unci nearly three miles to the eastward of ilie Mississippi ; 
un tl.e site of which is the seat of the late Col. Anthony Hn'- liings. 
Not a vestii^e of Indian industry now remains, except a i\:;v mouuis 



50 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

miles in extent." Accordingly he sent for the Sun, or 
Chief, of that village, and directed him to clear the huts, 
and to plant themselves in some other place. The Chief 
replied, perhaps rather hastily, '* that their ancestors had 
" lived there for many ages, and that it was good for 
" their descendants to occupy the same ground." This 
noble and dignified language served only to exasperate 
the haughty Commandant, and to extort from him the de- 
claration, " that unless the village was abandoned in a few 
" days, the inhabitants of it should repent of their obsti- 
" nacy." The Chief then retired to consult the old 
men, and to hold a council. As a bloody conflict was 
inevitable, the Indians resorted to such expedients as 
were calculated to gain time. They wished to create an 
indissoluble union among themselves, and to devise means 
adequate to the end : one of these was the assistance of 
their allies, which they deemed of infinite importance. 
They therefore represented to M. de Chopart, " that their 
" corn had just come out of the ground, that their hens 
" were laying their eggs, and that to abandon their village 
" at that time would prove as injurious to the French as to 
" themselves." M. de Chopart treated these reasons 
with disdain, and menaced immediate destruction, unless 
his desires were gratified. The Indians in general are 
fruitful of expedients ; and the Natchez, who were well 
acquainted with the avaricious disposition of their adver- 
sary, at last resorted to one, which for a while suspended 
his wrath. They obtained permission to remain in their 
own houses till after harvest, on condition, that each hut 
should pay him a fowl and a basket of corn. 

During this short interval the Natchez frequently and 
privately assembled in council, and a plan of operations 
was carefully concerted. They unanimously resolved to 
make one great elTort to preserve their independence, and 
to defend the tombs of their fathers. They proceeded 
v,ith caution, and omitted nothing to ensure success. 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 51 

They invited the Chickasaws to share in the arduous en- 
terprize ; but by a strange fatality, occasioned by the trea- 
chery of one of their own women, the latter were deceiv- 
ed as to the time of the intended blow, and therefore did 
not arrive in season to participate in the struv',gle. The 
massacre of all the French was what they had in view, 
and it was concluded to commence the work at the time 
of presenting the tribute of corn and fowls. Notwith- 
standing all their precaution, and the inducement t- ach 
one had to observe inviolable secrecy, yet one of their chief 
women suspected the plot ; and either offended at the se- 
clusion of her sex, at least of one of her rank, from a 
knowledge of it, or influenced by private attachment, 
comjnunicated her suspicions to some soldiers and others. 
Even just before the fatal catastrophe, M. de Chopart 
was cautioned to be on his guard ; but his evil genius led 
him to disregard the admonitions given him, to punish 
those who prognosticated danger, and to repose himself 
in criminal security. 

At length the fatal period arrived, when the vengeance 
of the injured and vindictive Savages was to burst on the 
devoted heads of the French. Near the close of the last 
day of November 1729, the grand Sun, with some war- 
riors, repaired to the Fort with the tribute of corn and 
fowls agreed on. They seized the gate and other passa- 
ges, and the Soldiers were instantly deprived of the means 
of defence. Such was their number, and so well distri- 
buted, that opposition was vain. Other parties repaired 
to their appointed rendezvous, and the houses of the 
French about the country were filled with them. The 
massacre was general among the men ; the slaves, and 
some of the women and children were spared. The 
chiefs and warriors, disdaining to stain their hands with 
the blood of ]M. de Chopart, he fell by one of the mean- 
est of the Indians. This settlement contained about sev- 
en hundred French, and very few of them escaped to 



^2 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA; 

carry the dreadful tidings to the Capital. The Forts and 
Settlements at the Yazous and Washita shared the same 
fate. Thus these extensive possessions of the French, 
which were gradually progressing to maturity, and the 
most wealthy of any in the Colony, presented a melan- 
choly picture. They were first plundered, and then ex- 
posed to the flames. 

The news of this disaster created much confusion in 
the Capital, and all seemed to imagine, that the merci-? 
less Savages were at their doors. M. Perier was very 
active in contriving measures lo punish his enemies. The 
Chickasaws were offended with the Natchez Indians for 
commencing the attack without them, and therefore rea- 
dily accepted the invitation of the French. In February 
1730, about fifteen hundred of them arrived in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Natchez, where they were joined the 
next month by a detachment of troops from New Orleans, 
under the command of M. de Loubois. 

The Natchrz Indians, anticipating the storm, endea- 
voured to provide against it. They strongly fortified 
themselves in the F ..rt ; but on the appearance of the 
French, supported by their numerous auxiliaries, and 
some pieces of heavy ordnance, they were induced to 
sue for peace. They offered to release the prisoners in 
their custody, on condition that friendship and amity 
should be restored, and permission given them to live 
on their own ground, and their future repose secured- 
The French were not disposed to grant these favors, nor 
did they return an explicit answer. Deception was prac- 
tised on both sides, and for once the French were com- 
pletely duped. The Natchez wished for an opportunity 
of leaving their country ; the French aimed at the posses- 
sion of the prisoners, after which they intended to in- 
dulge themselves in the indiscriminate slaughter of their 
enemies. M. de Loubois finally proposed to suspend 
the attack, provided the Natchez would agree to release 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES ©P LOUISIANA 53 

the prisoners the next day. This proposition was ac- 
cepted. 

The Natchez were highly pleased with this arrange- 
ment, as it seemed to afford them the means of escape. 
During the following night they silently deserted the 
Fort, loaded with their plunder and baggage, and cros- 
sed the Mississippi ! This dextrous manoeuvre filled the 
French with astonishment ; but they were in no condition 
to pursue the fugitives. Their first care was to build a 
terrace Fort, to supply it with cannon and ammunition, 
and one hundred and twenty effective men. Th'.- auxil- 
iaries were then dismissed, and the remainder of the 
French returned to New Orleans. 

In the mean time the Natchez retired to the mouth of 
Silver Creek,* about one hundred and eighty miles up 
Red River, where they erected a fortification for their 
defence. The arrival of one hundred and fifty soldiers 
from France, enabled M. Ferier to march at the head of 
a respectable force in pursuit of them ; he was soon be- 
fore them, opened a battery of mortars on their Fort, 
and put them into great confusion. They made several 
desperate sallies, and were repulsed with great slaughter. 
They endeavoured to escape, but this was impracticable. 
In vain they attempted to negociate ; they struggled in 
vain to avoid the leaden messengers of death, and at last 
surrendered at discretion. The women and children 
were immediately reduced to slavery, and dispersed a- 
mong the plantations. The remains of this wretched 
people were eventually sent in the same condition to St. 
Domingo. On the first arrival of the French among them, 
their villages contained about twelve hundred souls. 

Thus the Natchez Indians, once so useful to the 
French, became almost extinct. The fugitives, who es- 

* At no great distance Lelow Natcliitoches. No creek in that qu.n- 
ter is known by tliat name at the present day 



;,4 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

caped the carnage and the chains of bondage, united 
themselves to the Chickasaws and Creeks, and their an- 
cient language is still preserved among them. 

Of all the Indians in this quarter known to the Whites, 
the Natchez were the most polished and civilized. They 
had an established religion amongst them, in many parti- 
culars rational and consistent, as likewise regular orders 
of Priesthood. They had a temple dedicated to the 
Great Spirit, in which they preserved the eternal fire. If 
their religion was occasionally stained with human sacrifi- 
ces, p:.rticularly on the death of their Suns, or Chiefs, 
wc ought to be the less surprised, as many other nations 
on the globe admit of the same practice. To them were 
denied the advantages of literature, and above all, the 
blessings of our revealed religion. They were guided 
alone by the dictates of nature ; and hence their aberrati- 
ons were less criminal. Perhaps their religious rites and 
ceremonies were originally derived from a pure source ; 
for who will pretend to say that their ancestors six or 
eight centuries ago were unacquainted with the Scrip- 
tures ? No doubt these tokens of religion were greatly 
obscured and perverted by tradition ; but this is rather 
the misfortune than the crime of the Indians. This re- 
mark is applicable to all the aborigines of America. 

The civil polity of the Natchez partook of the refine- 
ments of a people, apparently in some degree learned 
and scientific; it exhibited penetration and wisdom, and 
was calculated to render them happy. They had K-ings, 
or Chiefs, whom they denominated Suns, invested with 
absolute power, as likewise a kind of subordinate nobi- 
lity ; and the usual distinctions cr,eated by rank were well 
understood and preserved among them. They were just, 
generous, and humane, and never failed to extend relief 
to the objects of distress and misery. They were well 
acquainted with the properties of medicinal plants ; and 
the cures they performed, particularly among the French. 



lllsroKUAI. NKlVrcllF.S ()»• l.ODISIAN A .'J.i 

appear nlnu)Ht imrrdiblf. \Mut is much luore to thfii 
praiHf, ihcy ncvt r iKt nutl ii j^lorioui to (U-Htroy the hii 
man sptrirs, and lor this reason siKloin \\mj;ihI any oihci 
ihan ilcfcnsivc war. 

History ta scUIoni scon to nnViK; ; anil perhaps no one 
prtsiiita a more Irightlul picture than that ol the con- 
(piests in the new world. The work of death curried on, 
hy ancient copcpierorH, was in aome instancea mon* niag- 
niliient, but in none so prolific of human blood. lUaides, 
the ancient nations had nearly the same knowledge of the 
art of war, at least they nuulc use of the sanie weapons j 
«nd hence tlu-ir contests were in some nu'asure equal. 
Uut the I'luropeans on this continent, furninhed with hu 
perior weapons of destruction, often vantpiished nuiner 
ous armies of the natives, with little or no loss on tlieir 
side ; many of whom, tcrnfuil at their mode of warfare, 
sufl'ered themselves to be enslaved, and even empaled, 
at discretion. The Spanish history, ui particular, for 
more than two centuries, affords nothing but « series of 
complicated crimes, the black catalogue of which will 
continue to excite in every breast, the mingled emotions 
of pity and indignation. They nuulc war on defenceless 
nations without provocation, spilt oceans of blood, and 
in\()lvcd n»illioim of their fellow creatures in rniser)'. 
Tlw y trampled on all those laws deemed sacred by the ci- 
vilii'.ed world, and tlu ir misdeeds lind >u) (uher excuse 
than what is deri\ id from the jjralilit.ition ol their ava- 
rice. 

The ways ol" I'lovidence are inscruifaljle. (iond nj)- 
pcars frequently, to our limited conceptions, to be the re- 
sult of evil. IVrhops the Ignited Htates owe their exist- 
ence ns a nation, to the religious persecutions of the Mo- 
ther Country. The victorious progress of the Homans 
diffused the arts and sciences among the States oi l^airope, 
and to this cause may be attributed, in a gieid ni< usure, 
their present perfection. Still more are they iiulihleU to 



56 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the conquests in the new world for the wide extension of 
their commerce, and even for the intercourse, which they 
have estabUshed with the other great continents. The 
desolations occasioned by the Spaniards have, more than 
any other, produced a wonderful change in the political 
and moral character of nations j if they have multiplied 
their wants, they have at the same time elicited the means 
of gratification. Yet we must ever deplore the primary 
causes of these events, and regret the hard conditions 
imposed on the original proprietors of the soil in this 
quarter of the globe. 

The Spaniards wholly abjured the pacific character of 
(Christians, and followed the example of those nations 
whom they pronounced barbarous. They not only ensla- 
ved the prisoners taken in battle, but likewise those peace- 
able and effeminate people, who submitted themselves at 
discretion. They compelled them to labour in the mines 
of Hispaniola and Cuba, where vast numbers perished. 

The first contained more than a million of inhabitants} 
and at the end of fifteen years from the first discovery of 
that place, they were reduced to less than sixty thousand ! 
On the second upwards of half a million perished. A si- 
milar destruction took place on the continent. 

Those who ought first to know the evils of the State, 
are generally the last to be made acquainted with them. 
Thus it happered in the reductions of the Indians to sla- 
very. Their fate was unknown to the Spanish Monarch 
for many years. The eloquent Blather de las Casas, who 
witnessed their miseries, was the first to carry their com- 
plaints to the throne ; and in him the unhappy Indians 
found an able advocate and friend. On this occasion the 
avaritious colonists became his inveterate opposers, and 
devised a thousand expedients to defeat his measures. 
Even the pious ministers of the Christian Church, who 
were sent out to propagate the glad tidings of salvation 
among the heathen ; those heralds of meekness, mercy, 



HISTOillCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 57 

and peace, condescended to advocate the bondage of the 
Indians; for, in one of their synodical assemblies held a- 
bout this period, they pronouiiC' d the Indians incapable of 
receiving the Eucharist, because they manifested a defect 
of understanding, and accordingly decreed their exclu- 
sion from that privilege. The Roman Pontiff was of a 
different opinion ; he not only abrogated the decree, but 
likewise declared, that the Indians were entitled to the 
rights of human nature; and therefore authorized their 
admission into holy orders, and to the participation of the 
sacraments. The Spanish monarch was disposed to ac- 
cede to these sentiments ; but when it was represented to 
him, that the Europeans were unable to labor in the 
warm climatts of the precious metals, and that, unless 
the Indians were employed, the acquisition of silver and 
gold must cease, he began to doubt, to deliberate and to 
waver. The danger did not escape the penetration of de 
las Casas ; and, apprehensive of the consequences, he 
seized the critical moment, and proposed the slaver\ of 
the Africans as a substitute for that of the Indians. Hence 
this good man has been stigmatised as the first advocate 
of negro slavery. But the truth is, that of the two evils 
he wished to adopt the least; for he concluded, that the 
distance of Africa from America, and the difficulty and 
expense of procuring slaves in that part of the globe, 
would serve to render the system less pernicious. If he 
was mistaken in his opinion, the motive by which he 
"was actuated, must ever be deemed pure. The king of 
Spain remained no longer undecided. He sanctioned ne- 
gro slavery in I5ir, and at the same time decreed, that 
the Indians should be liberated from their imperious mas- 
ters and overseers ; no longer be obliged to f.ll the lands, 
or to labor in the mines, except at certain fixed periods iu 
rotatioi.. and at fixed wages. This regulation still exists 
in the Spanish provinces; so that, while the Indians are 

T 



5'8 MISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

exempted from the badges of servitude, they cannot be 
pronounced absolutely free. 

This kind of middle character attached itself to those 
of the conquered provinces only. The Spaniards for a 
long time carried havoc and desolation among those nati- 
ons, who were disposed to maintain their liberty, and ma- 
ny of them remain unconquered to this day. The noble 
stand made by the Araucanians, a people of Chili, casts 
a shade over the deeds of valor displayed by the Greeks 
and Romans in the brightest periods of their history. 
These proud sons of liberty, by no means numerous, 
with the imperfect weapons in use among them, vanquish- 
ed, and even annihilated, several veteran armies, who had 
gathered a harvest of renown in the wars of Europe un- 
der their military monarch. They even had the courage 
to besiege fortified cities, and the address to make them- 
selves masters of them, after which they reduced them to 
ashes. They soon obtained the European art of war, 
(though not the weapons) as practised in those days, and 
their hopes of success never deserted them amid their great- 
est dangers. To mitigate the terrible effects of the Spa- 
nn^h musketry and cannon, they precipitated themselves 
into the thickest ranks of their enemies, and contended 
hand to hand. The war commenced in 1550. and conti- 
nued without intermission for ninety years, when a short 
peace only ensued, the precursor to a still more bloody 
conflict ; and be it recorded to their immortal honor, that 
they have maintained their independence to this day. 

The Spaniai-ds found their country divided into pro- 
vinces, and these again into counties or districts. ^I'heir 
system of government, both general and local, resembled 
in theory, some of those deemed the most perfect in Eu- 
rope, and indeed it was not much unlike that of the Uni- 
ted States in most of its essential features. They culti- 
vated eloquence, poetry, and music. They had some 
knowledge of the arts and sciences, particularly of astrd- 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 59 

nomy ; for they divided the year (of three hundred and 
sixty five days) into seasons, months, days, and hours. 
The names of their several months indicated some re- 
markable quality or thing common to each period, hke 
those of the ancient Egyptians and Persians, and of the 
ipodern French. Their language was copious and flexi- 
ble, and their eloquence of no ordinary kind. Are these 
people the proper objects of slavery ? Say rather, they 
are entitled to the respect of the present age, and to the 
homage of posterity. 

Men are imitative creatures, and examples are contagi- 
ous. This is particularly verified in the conduct of the 
French. In imitation of the first conquerors of America, 
they reduced the Natchez to slavery, because they dared 
to contend for their rights. Near the close of their go- 
vernment in Louisiana, the people on Red River purchas- 
ed several Indian prisoners brought from the bay of St. 
Bernard; but their successors, the Spaniards, lib rated 
them. At a subsequent period the Spaniards themselves 
connived at the slavery of several Indians of both sexes 
in another quarter of the province. Their parents were 
free ; and yet the highest court of the United States in 
that country has lately sanctioned their cruel fate by a so- 
lemn decision. The Spanish authorities had no such 
legal power. "Where shall we look for that exercised by 
their successors ? 

It is of no use to enter into a disquisition on the right 
of conquests, or to ascertain the obligations due from the 
conquerors to the countries and inhabitants subdued by 
them. All these were prostrated by the Spaniards ; in a 
much less degree by the French ; and even our pious 
English ancestors stand charged with violating their own 
principles on these points. 

It is evident from what we have seen, that the jVIissis- 
sippi Company acquired Louisiana at a moment unfavour- 
able to its interests. The expectation of a profitable re- 



60 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

venue, and an anxiety to rival in power the English and 
Spaniards of the new world, induced it to be liberal 
in the advances of money. But as Mr. L<uw was a fo- 
reigner, he was of course unpopular. He had many 
powerful enemies about the French court, who finally 
completed his ruin, and destroyed the credit of the Com- 
pany; so that in 1731, the charter was resigned to the 
crown. 

The Mississippi scheme was no less bold in its concept 
tion, than disasterous in its consequences. It seized with'' 
in its grasp the bank, the mint, all the trading companies, 
and all the revenues of the kingio-n. The object was to 
employ this vast capital in opening the rich mines of Lou- 
isiana, and in cultivating its fertile soil ; in carrying on 
the whole commerce of the nation, and in managing the 
royal revenues. The company created three hundred 
thousand shares, at five hundred livres each ; fifty thou- 
«and shares at five hundred and fifty livres each ; three 
hundred thousand shares at five thousand livres each ; all 
of which were sold in market, and before the completion 
of the sale, they rose to at) enormous height, The a- 
mount of the stock thus created, without taking the rise 
into calculation, amounted to sixteen hundred seventy se? 
ven millions, five hundred thousand livres, or three hun-s; 
dred and ten million, six hundred forty eight thousand, 
one hundrttd forty eight dollars ! Such indeed was the 
phrensy of speculation, that tht whole nation, clergy aiid 
laity, peers and plebeians, princes and statesmen, mecha- 
nics, and even ladies, employed their wealth in purchas- 
ing these shares? The scheme was calculated to enrich 
the nation as well as the holders of the scrip ; but a per- 
fidious breach of royal faith destroyed the credit of the 
paper, and multitudes were involved in ruin, though the 
public treasury gained by it the annual sum of twenty 
three millions of livres. The enemies of the financier^ 
(and these were the dignified clergy, who were ambitious 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. bl 

of getting him superceded in office by one of their own 
order) prevailed on the Regent to reduce by an arret 
the value of the paper, so as to bring it on- a level with 
the coin, and other commodities of the kingdom. This 
reduction destroyed all public confidence ; it proved iaial 
to the minister, and to the splendid paper fabric, which 
vanished like a dream, and left the multitude to bewail 
their credulity, and to execrate the authors ot iheir ruin. 

Whoever takes a correct view of the transactions of 
the Mississippi Company, must be convinced that it was 
of infinite utility to Louisiana, perhaps the preservation 
of it ; particularly as it possessed energy and resources. 
The great misfortune was, that its exertions were nLi. suf- 
ficiently seconded by the colonial authorities. We have 
already witnessed the extreme liberality of the company, 
and this liberality enabled the French to survive the pres- 
sure of war, and the still more dreadful scourge of fa- 
mine. The dissolution of it replenished the publir trea- 
sur)', and furnished the crown with the means to be ge- 
nerous. Hence, on the conclusion of the Natchez ir, 
the colony began to flourish, though it had lost much of 
its credit. The security of the people was less precari- 
ous, and the timely and liberal aids of the mother coun- 
try, contributed to their prosperit}-. From this period 
may be dated the gradual progress of the colony to a 
more eligible condition, though it was occasionally inter- 
rupted by the Indians and Spaniards. 

The earliest settlements, as has been stated, were 
formed on the Perdido, and about the Mobile ; but after 
the erection of New Orleans, and the dispersion of the 
people on plantations, they considerably dcclii ed. At those 
places, however, regular garrisons were maintained; and 
another was eventually established on the TomI)igbee, de- 
signed to keep in check the Chickasavvs, and to interrupt 
tht communication between them and the English. About 
these posts a number of settlers remained ; some to till 



62 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the lands, but most of them to carry on the Indian and 
lumber trade. Other posts were established on some of 
the rivers, which were intended as annoyances to the En- 
glish and Spaniards, and to monopolize the internal com- 
merce. A trade was likewise opened with the Islands, 
and the advantages it afforded, gave a spur to agricul- 
ture, which enabled the planters, for the first time, to 
send to foreign markets the valuable products of their 
own industry. The war with the Chitimaches, and the 
conspiracy of the negroes to murder all the whites, inflic- 
ted no material injury on the colony. These evils were 
temporary, and soon repaired by the prompt measures 
and activity of the French. 

The Chickasaws, from their attachment to the English, 
were never disposed to have much intercourse with the 
French ; and as they were powerful within themselves, 
and powerfully supported, they stood in no great fear of 
their neighbors. The French anxiously u^aited for an 
opportunity of measuring their strength with them, and 
in this they were influenced by two motives ; they wished 
in the first place, to drive the English from among them, 
and secure the trade to themselves ; in the second place, 
they deemed it of importance to destroy their influence 
among the other tribes, and by this means render their 
frontiers, and trading parties, less exposed to depredati- 
on. A plausible pretext for a quorrel occurred in 1736, 
and the French seized it with avidity. Part of the Natchez 
Indians, who escaped the general slaughter, claimed the 
protection of the Chickasaws, and were incorporated into 
their nation. M. Biainville demanded them ; and as this 
demand was treated with contempt, he resolved to catry 
the war into the Chickasaw country. He therefore 
marched a considerable army up the Mobile, attacked 
their fortification without success, and was obliged to 
make a digraceful r< treat. The troops from the Illinois, 
who attacked them on the opposite quarter, where also 



IIISTOIUCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA. 6;^ 

obliged to seek safety in flight. These, when they march- 
ed up to the attack, had wool-sacks suspended from their 
necks in front of their bodies, as a security against the 
shot of the Indians. This kind of armor was first dis- 
covered by the English traders, who directed the Chic- 
kasaws to aim their shot at the heads and legs of the 
French. 

These repulses served only to stimulate M. Biainville 
to another exertion, particularly as the people began to 
doubt his talents and skill as a general. He wrote to 
France for succors, and obtained them. In 1739, he as- 
cended the Mississippi, with much the largest army, in- 
cluding the Indian auxiliaries, ever witnessed in Louisi- 
ana, and landed at the mouth of Margot river, where he 
built fort Assumption. Here he incurred as much dis- 
grace by a peace he made in 1 7-iO, as he had experienced 
by his defeat four years before. Had he attacked the 
Chickasaws on his arrival, he might have obtained an easy 
victory. But, instead of pursuing prompt and vigorous 
measures, he kept his army encamped in a state of inac- 
tivity, till his provisions were mostly expended, till his 
auxiliaries were uneasy, and ready to abandon him ; and 
he suffered the important moment to escape, when the 
terror, occasioned by the extent of his preparations, was 
little short of a defeat. In this situation he was compel- 
led to offer peace to the Chickasaws ; and happily for 
him, unacquainted with his weakness, they negociated 
■with him. 

Some years previously to these events, the European 
French began to entertain a more favorable opinion of 
Louisiana. They perceived, that the soil was prolific, and 
capable of yielding, with moderate industry, not only the 
necessaries, but also the luxuries of life. The peltry trade 
too, in their estimation, was nearly of equal importance ; 
and a commercial intercourse between the colony and 
Europe, particularly the Islands, seemed to promise an 



64 HISTOIIICAL SKETCHES OF LaUlSlANA 

opulent harvest. Full of these expectations, they em- 
barked considerable wealth in the trade of Louisiana ; 
and although they met with disappointment, (owing to the 
indolence of the settlers, and the great reduction of their 
number) the colony derived no small benefit from their 
enterprise. The pursuit of internal commerce was by 
no means profitable to those who engaged in it ; nor were 
ihe products of agriculture sufficiently numerous and va- 
luable to reward the hopes of the European capitalists. 
Yet the first served to conciliate the minds of the Indians, 
and to excite a violent competition between the French, 
Spaniards, and English ; not more indeed from motives 
of wealth, than a mutual disposition to inflict mutual 
injuries. A regular intercourse with the Islands was 
of primary importance to the poor planters, as they ob- 
tained from them, in exchange for the scanty avails of 
their labor, many indispensable supplies. The Chicka- 
saws, and sometimes the Chocktaws, were in the interest 
of the English. Some chiefs of the latter went to Eng- 
land in 1730, and were presented to the king. They 
laid their regalia at his feet, and acknowledged themselve: 
and nation as subjects of his dominion. Most of the o- 
ther Indians on the Mississippi, and indeed along its nu- 
merous waters, were the friends of the French. 

That the early history of most of the American colo- 
nies should describe little else than Indian affairs, is, per- 
haps, not to be wondered at. The resistance of the abo- 
riginals in some instances wholly obstructed colonization, 
and it proved in nearly all, a source of lasting troubles. 
Like other nations, jealous of their territorial and other 
rights, they repelled encroachments, and endeavoured U 
punish aggressors. Some writers have represented them 
as treacherous and faithless. This character is inapplica- 
ble to much the greatest proportion of them. They are 
in general extremely scrupulous in regard to the fulfil- 
ment of national compacts j though, in their individual 



IJISTOUICAL SKIVrCMES OF LOUISIANA. (35 

capacities, they are Itss hontst, and more inclined to e- 
vade their engagements. Their want of faith in most 
instances, where it has been manifested, may be traced 
either to the hard conditions imposed on them, or to the 
advantages taken of iheir ignorance. Whoever attentively 
examines into the merits of the numerous quarrels be- 
tween them and the whites, will be apt to find, that the 
latter were almost up.i'ornily the aggressors. Thv French 
and Spaniards, in particular, never deemed their engage- 
ments any longer obligatory than wh le they contributed 
to their interests. The least infraction of natural or sti- 
pulated rights, excited the jealousy of the Indians ; and 
if justice was denied them, as it almost uniformly was, 
they knew of no other mode of redress than a resort to 
war. If their mode of warfare appears cruel and barba- 
rous, let it be remembered, that this mode is universal 
among them ; tKat it is adapted to their situation ; and 
that it seems, according to their apprehension, to be ab- 
solutely necessary. " Strike, but conceal the hand," is no 
less a maxim among them, than with some of their more 
civilized contemporaries. This maxim, indeed, as appli- 
cable to war, is a dictate of nature and self preservation. 
From the year 1740, to the commencement of the war 
between England and France, in 1754, few events of im- 
portance occurred in Louisiana. The colonists were ex- 
empted from disastrous wars, which enabled them to ex- 
tend their settlements, to cultivate their fields, and to 
prosecute their trade with the islands. They surmount- 
ed their poverty, the usual attendant on all infant colonial 
establishments, and began to export some cotton, as also 
considerable quantities of indigo, peltry, hides, tallow, 
pitch, tar, ship timber, and various other r.«w materials. 
These exports continued, and gradually increased, till 
the country was ceded to Spain ; though they were nevrr 
sufficient to procure the necess'iry supplies in return, 

K 



66 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

One of the first syuptoms of an approaching war be- 
tween France and England, was a dispute about boun- 
darits as early as i:47. The English extended their 
claims to the river St. I^r^wrence, while the French on 
their part contended for all the country to the westward 
of the Apalachean mountains. It was not believed at that 
time, that either intended to insist on the extent of its 
claims ; but it will appear in the sequel, that France was 
extravagant in her pretensions. Perhaps the proximity of 
settlement, and the reciprocal attempts to corrupt the In- 
dians, and to precipitate them into hostilities with the 
whitts, served to inflame the gathering storm, and to 
hasten its approach. 

After the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, the French 
ministrv more attentively examined the strength and re- 
sources of Canada and Louisiana. The position of these 
colonies, stretching from the mouth of the St. Lawrence 
to that of the Mississippi, with an almost uninterrupted 
inland water communication between the extremities of 
both, seemed to unfold the means of subdumg the Eng- 
lish power in America. This scheme was the more rea- 
diiy adopted by the French, as they were anxious to rival 
thf Spaniards in the splendor of their conquests, and to 
share with them the wealth, and other resources, of the 
new world. A sudden and unexpected blow was deemed 
impolitic. Extrtions were therefore made to postpone 
hostilities, and to appease the fears and suspicions of the 
English. They gradually strengthened their posts on the 
lakis, and along the Mississippi, and endeavoured to ren- 
der the communication between them as safe and expedi- 
tious ae possible. 

The French in 1740, explored the Ohio, and ascei-*. 
tained the geography of the country about it, and its prox- 
imity to ths English settlements. They even flattered 
themselves with the hope, that the Apalachean mountains 



ntsTourcAi, sketches of Louisiana. 67" 

would prove an insuperable barrier to the incursions of 
th r rival neighhi rs. They took measures to extend 
their trade among thr Indians ; well aware that, in c;ise 
of a rupture, they uould prove useful friends, or danijer- 
ous enemies. Their supplic s, however, were scanty, and 
inadequate to the wants of the Indians, who were obliged 
to resort to the English traders. These carefully watched 
the policv of the French, and endeavoured to counteract 
their influence. They formed what was called the Ohio 
Company, intended as a counterpoise to the numerous 
French traders on our frontier ; and to facilitate their 
schemes, a considerable tract of land was granted them 
on that river, as also an exclusive trade. But the exer- 
tions ot this company Jailed of the desired success. The 
Indians were displeased with the grant, especially as they 
had not been consulted. The French took advantage of 
the irritation it excited, and thereby secured the affections 
of tht Indians. They therefore seized on the English 
traders, confiscated their property, and then loudly com- 
plained ot" the encroachments made on their territory. 

Tni'^, aid some other checks experienced by the Eng- 
lish, so much emboldened the French that, in 1753, they 
began to erect new forts, and to form new establishments, 
more in the neighbourhood of their rivals, particularly at 
Crown point, Niagara, Riviere au Beuf, and at the junc- 
tion of the Monongahela and ^Vjleghany rivers. These 
advances, attended too with hostile appearances, were not 
viewed with indifference. Complaints were made to the 
French court, which extorted reiterated promises of re 
dress, without the least intention of performing them ; 
and, to gain as much time as possible, the English w^ere 
amused with the most specious reasons for the delay of 
retribution. This evasive conduct was considered as tan- 
tamount to a direct denial of justice ; particularly wht n it 
was known, that the French were fortiiying themselves 
along the lakes, and on the Ohio and Mississippi. 



58 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

The English cabintt resolved to be no longer amused 
by the artifices oi the French. Orders were despatched 
in 1754, to the governors of provinces, directing them to 
resort ro force in defence of their rights, and tc drive the 
French from their station on the Ohio. The New Eng- 
land pro\ inces formed a political confederacy for mutual 
defence. Measures were taken to detach the Indians from 
the French, but with little or no effect. The illustrious 
Wdslungton now commenced his military career. He was 
appointed to the rank of colonel, and detached from Vir- 
ginia with four hundred men to erect some works of de- 
fence on the banks of the Ohio. H re he was attacked by 
a superior force, and obliged to capitulate ; after which 
he was severely handled by the Indians on his return from 
the expedition. 

Complaints were again made to the French king on the 
repeated aggressions of his subjects: But as it was evi- 
dent, that he considered the Ohio, and all the recent esta- 
blishments made in that quarter, as within his territories, 
a rupture was deemed inevitable, and both nations prepa- 
red for it. French troops were sent out to Canada, and 
all the posts in that province, as well as in Louisiana, 
put in the best possible state of defence. A temporary 
disunion among the English colonies, rendered it difficult 
to collect a sufficient force to (-ppose them in season. 

In 1/55, general Braddock arrived with a considerable 
body of troops from England, and marched over the 
mountains to attack fort du ^lesne, the ruins of which are 
still to be seen at Pittsburgh. He suffered himself to be 
drawn into an ambuscade a few miles from the fort, in 
in which he lost his life, and seven hundred of his men 
perished with him. His ignorance of savage warfare 
was probably the cause of this disaster. He rejected the 
advice of Washington, to whose lot it fell to collect the 
fugitives, and to lead them back to fort Cumberland. 
This loss was in some measure compensated the same 



HISTUinCAL SKtVlTHES OF LOUISIANA. 59 

3'ear, by the defeat of the Frmch at fort Edward under 
Baron Dieskau, who was wounded ai.d taken prisoner. 

The clamors raised in Kngland against the tardiness of 
the ministry, for a while disconcerted the military opera- 
tions of the Englisii. In lT57y the celebrated William 
Pitt, afterwards Lord Chatham, came into office, when 
the war was prosecuted with vigor, though at fn-st with 
various success. The Fr. nth laid siege to fort William 
Henry, and obliged the garrison to capitulatf. The 
troops were permitted to march out with the honors of 
war, when they were attacked by the savages, and many 
of them inhumanly butchered. 

The year 1758, is memorable from the conquest of Cape 
Breton, the reduction oi Cadaraqid^ and iorx. duQjtesne. The 
English and provincial troops, however, were shamefully 
defeated near Tyconderoga, where- Lord Howe was slain. 

From this period the exertions of the English were at- 
tendc d with uninterrupted success. Crown point and Ty- 
conderoga were considered as the keys of Canada, yet the 
French were obliged to abandon them in 1759, especially- 
after iheir defeat near Niagara, and repair to the defence 
of the capital. The contest on the plains of Abraham 
decided the fate of the French possessions in North Ame-, 
rica. The intrepid Wolfe was wounded, and expired in 
the arms of victory. The no less brave Montcalme was 
likewise wounded, and lived only to witness the disasters 
of the day, and to lament the misfortunes of his country. 
Quebec was invested, and it soon fell into the hands of 
the victorious English ; and its fall drew after it the ces- 
sion of Louisiana. 

Thus on the heights of Abraham two illustrious gene- 
rals expired on the bed of honor. Their respective nati- 
ons have done justice to their memories. Wcstnjtnstcr 
Abbey contains a magnificent monument of W^olfe, descrip- 
tive of his dying moments. The French minister re- 
quested, and obtained permission to erect a monument at 



70 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Quebec, to perpetuate the memory of Montcalme. Such 
national honors paid to the manes of military men, , i ve 
to animate those in arms to deeds of enterprise and glory. 

Notwithstanding the success of the English, the Indi- 
ans continued thtir depredations on our frontiers. In the 
year 1760, the Cherokees were instigated by the French 
of Louisiana to fall on the English traders and settlers 
among them, whom they pillaged and slaughtered with- 
out mercy. About twelve hundred men from South Ca- 
rolina marched against them, attacked and defeated them, 
laid waste their towns, and destroyed their provisions. 
The Indians soon assembled again, and in their turn laid 
siege to fort Loudon, and obliged the garrison to capitu- 
late. These brave troops, while retiring homewards, on 
the faith of stipulated agreements, were ambuscaded, and 
many of them put to death. 

Yet these inroads of the Indians had no effect on the 
great contest between the two nations. As the power of 
France in America rapidly approached its dissolution, 
she resolved to retrieve all her misfortunes by the invasi- 
on of England. No sooner was this resolution made 
known to the English ministers, than they despatched two 
formidable firt:'ts to sea. Admiral Boscawen attacked and 
defeated the Toulon squadron near the straits of Gibral- 
tar ; and within three months afterwards, Sir Edward 
Hawke obtained a signal victory over another French 
fleet in the bay of Biscav. These misfortunes effectually 
checked the spirit of invasion. 

Never was France more humbled in her pride and glo- 
ry than during this war. Her subjects were oppressed 
with taxes, her fleets destroyed, and her islands captured. 
Her armies were likewise hard pressed on the continent 
of Europe, and the terrible defeat before Mmden in 1759 
seemed to be the precursor of still greater calamities. 
With infinite regret she found herself obliged to solicit 
peace, and to accept it on such terms as England was 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 71 

pleased to prescribe. The treaty was finally concluded 
between them February 10th. 1763 ; by which France 
ceded Canada to Great Britain, as also all her possessions 
on the east side of the Mississippi. On the third day of 
the preceding November, France ceded to Spain all her 
territories on the west side of that river, including the 
island and city of New Orleans, which cession was ac- 
cepted by the latter power on the thirteenth of the same 
month. 

Prior to this period the whole territory on both sides o* 
the Mississippi, situated between the lakes and the gulf 
of Mexico, and between the Mexican and Alleghany 
mountains, went under the general name of Louisiana. 
That part of it ceded to the English lost the name ; but 
the new acquisitions of Spain retained it. 

The fate of the Louisianians was made known to them 
by a letter signed by the French king, dated April 21st, 
1764, addressed to 31. D'Abbadie, whom he calls the 
Director General and Commandant of Louisiana, inform- 
ing him of the treaty of cession, and directing him to 
give up to the officers of Spain the country and colony of 
Louisiana, together with the city of New Orleans, and 
all the military posts. He expressed a desire for the pros- 
perity and peace of the inhabitants of the colony, and his 
confidence in the friendship and affection of the king of 
Spain. He at the same time declared his expectation, 
that the ecclesiastics and religious houses, which had the 
care of the parishes and missions, would continue to ex- 
ercise their functions ; that the superior council and ordi- 
nary judges would continue to administer justice accord- 
n g to th> laws, forms, and usages of the colony ; that 
the inhabitants would be preserved and maintained in their 
estates, which had been granted to them by the governors 
and (li) ctors of the colony ; and that, finally, all these 
grants, though not confirmed by the French authorities, 
would be confirmed by his catholic majesty. 



72 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

The treaty of cession, dated the third of November 
1762, was never published, and the terms of it remain 
a secret to this day ; but there is good reason to beheve, 
that the sentiments expressed by the French kmg corres- 
pon'led with the stipulations it contained. His letter was 
published in New Orleans in October 1764, and it created 
a great ferment in the colony. Don Uiloa, in 1766, ar- 
rived with a detachment of Spanish troops, and demand- 
ed possession of M. Aubry, who at that time exercised 
the functions of governor.* This gentleman united 
with the people in opposing the designs of Spnn. Ttiey 
complained that a transfer without their consent, was un- 
just, and in a moment of irritation resorted to their nrms, 
at . obliged the Spaniards to measure back their steps to 
the Havanna. 

Things remained in this situation till the 17th of Au- 
gust 1769, when O'Reilly arrived, and took peaceable 
possession of the colony. He immediately selected twelve 
of the most distinguished leaders of the opposition, as the 
victims of resentment. Six of them were devoted to the 
halter, to gratify the malice of arbitrary power, and to 
strike terror into the other malecontents. Ttie other six 
deemed less guilty, and surely they were much less iortu- 
nate, were doomed to the dungeons of Cuba. This scene 
of blood and outrage made a deep impression of horror 
on the minds of the people, and will never be forgotten. 
In 1770, the Spanish authorities were established m Up- 
per Louisiana, where some small settlements were made 
four years before, under the direction of their French 
predecessors. 

O'R.illy was the first governor and intendant general, 
who exercised the Spanish power in Louisiana. A-i go- 
vernor-general he was vested with the supreme power of 
the province, both civil and military j and as intendant- 

* M. D'Abbadie died just before this period. 



JllSTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. f- 

^^neral he granted lands, prescribed the conditions, and 
confirmed the concessions made by his subordinates ; su- 
pcrintended the fiscal department, and the affairs of the 
Indians. This arrangement, with some slight modifica- 
tions, continued till 17L9, when a department of finance 
was created. 

The English in 1764, took possession of Florida under 
the treaty of the preceding year. A regiment on its way 
up the Mississippi to Natchez, was attacked by the Ton- 
nicas at the clifts, where fort Adams now stands, and en- 
tirely defeated. In this rencounter Major Loftus lost his 
life, and ever since that period the clifts have borne his 
name. The bones of those killed in the action have been 
uncovered by the ebrasion of the rains, and a considera- 
b.c slaughter appears to have taken place. 

After the Spanish authorities had gained possession of 
Louisiana, it was not long before the people became ia 
some measure, reconciled to the change. The severity 
exercised on the leaders of the opposition excited horri- 
ble sensations in their minds ; though, when their hopes 
were blasted, and their fate inevitably fixed, they endea- 
vored to bear their misfortunes with becoming fortitude. 
Perhaps the similarity of their religious principles, and 
modes of worship, urged them the more readily to a 
speedy acquiescence ; especially when they found them- 
selves abandoned by their mother country, and menaced 
by the whole power of Spain. 

The new Spanish governor was active in organizing the 
government, and in establishing such military posts as 
tended to promote the welfare of the culony. The French 
code was in part abolished, and the Spanish colonial sys- 
tem introduced. The subordinate offices were mostly fil- 
led by Frenchmen, because the province was destitute of 
a Spanish population. This compulsive generosit)-, how- 
ever, was of great advantage ; it served to secure the fi- 
1. 



74 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIAKA. 

delity of the officers, and to meliorate the irritated feel- 
ings of the inhabitants. 

During the eight or nine succeeding years, few events 
occurred in Louisiana worthy of record. Population and 
improvement gradually increased. Agriculturists from 
the English settlements began to turn their attention to 
the country about Natchez, and their enterprise imparted 
animation to industry, and the culture of cotton became 
an object of importance. The example of the English 
excited the ambition of the Spanish colonial government, 
and the encouragement it afforded to foreign and domes- 
tic commerce, created a great demand for surplus pro- 
duce. Among the items of export, that of sugar was 
found to yield the greatest profit. Hence the planters in 
the Delta procured an additional number of slaves, and 
engaged in the culture of that article. Much knowledge 
of the interior was at the same time obtained, but indus- 
triously concealed. The Indians in a great measure ceased 
to trouble the frontiers, and the peltry trade was prosecu- 
ted with some degree of success. 

The era of the American revolution was not viewed by 
Spain with indifference, and she found it no easy matter to 
decide on the policy which it became her to pursue. England 
was justly alarmed at the dangerous situation of Florida, 
(now divided into two provinces, and called east and west 
Florida) especially as they were exposed to the attacks of 
the revolutionists on one side, and to those of the Spani- 
ards on the other. In a pecuniary point of view, these 
isolated colonies were of no real value to England ; yet 
it was for her interest to maintain them, and for this pur- 
pose a considerable number of troops was sent out to Mo- 
bile, Pensacola, St. Augustine, Baton Rouge, Natchez, 
and some other places of inferior note. If ultimately, by- 
events of an unpropitious nature, she should find it neces- 
sary to yield them, the conclusion of the war presented 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 75 

the most advantageous period for such a measure. In de- 
ciding on the number of troops requisite to defend the 
Floridas, she undervalued the skill and bravery of those 
the most likely to attack them. 

Nothing disturbed Spain more than the contemplated 
establishment of an independent empire in America. She 
was apprehensive, that the spirit of innovation would 
make its way into her provinces,, and eventually dismem- 
ber them from the parent country. But she could not re- 
sist the lures held out by France ; and when she engaged 
in the war, it was merely as an auxiliary, and with a de» 
termination to promote her own interest, and to remain 
quiescent as regarded the independence of the United 
States. The acquisition of Gibraltar, Jamaica, Minorca, 
and the Floridas were splendid objects in her view. She 
readily perceived that, in case the United States succeed- 
ed in breaking their connexion with England, the Flori- 
das would change masters, and she deemed it prudent 
to add them to her own dominions before we had a legi- 
timate claim to them. 

Louisiana at this period was governed by general Galvez, 
a man of daring ambition, and not destitute of genius 
and talents. He perceived the advantages which would 
accrue to his country from the conquest of the Floridas, 
and resolved to make an attempt on them. His measures 
were dictated with more than ordinary caution, as he was 
obliged mostly to depend on an undisciplined militia ; and 
he was so fortunate as to carry them into effect with ad- 
dress and success. He suddenly appeared before Baton 
Rouge with about two thousand three hundred men, sup- 
ported by several pieces of heavy ordnance. The forti- 
fication at that place, defended by about five hundred 
British troops under the command of lieutenant colonel 
Dickson, was immediately invested, and the Spanish bat- 
teries constructed with ardor. But as the works of the 
Kn^lish were too detective to resist a siege, and the sol 



76 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

diery too much nfflicted with sickness to repair them, lieu- 
tenant colonel Dickson, v;ith the loss of a few killed and 
wounded, was obliged to surrender by capitulation on the 
twenty first day of September 1779. His troops were 
allowed to march out with the honors of war, when they 
submitted as prisoners. In this capitulation the fortress 
at Natcheg was included, though the troops at that post 
were permitted to pass to Pensacola. 

The fall of Baton Rouge, and with it the country be- 
tween that post and the Yazous, infused into the Spani- 
ards a confidence of their own strength, and inspired 
them with the hopes of new successes. Another attempt 
was resolved on ; and in i 780, general Galvez sailed from 
New Orleans with a considerable force of militia and re- 
gulars, though almost destitute of naval support, to attack 
the English at Mobile. The fleet was overtaken by a 
storm in the gulf; one of the armed vessels stranded ; the 
troops were exposed to great dangers ; ihe water found its 
way to the provisions and ammunition, and these were 
either ruined, or rendered useless for some time. In this 
wretched condition, general Galvez finally succeeded in 
landing h's army, together with the ordnance, military 
stores and provisions, near Mobile bay, and took imme- 
diate measures to repair the damage they had sustained. 

If the English had attacked the Spaniards at this criti- 
cal juncture, an easy victory would have rewarded their 
exertions; and so sensible was general Galvez of this, that 
he made preparations to abandon his artillery and bag- 
gage, and to attempt a retrograde movement over land 
to New Orleans. Surprised, however, at the se3ming 
ignorance, or weakness of the English, he. began to as- 
sume courage, and to raise the dejected spirits of his men. 
As soon as his provisions and stores were put in order, 
he boldly marched to invest the town and fort, which 
were defended by militia and regulars. He erected six 
batteries against them. A practicable breach was soon 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 5-7 

made in the fort, when the garrison surrendered by capi- 
tulation. This was an important acquisition to the Spa- 
niards, and it led to the eventual reduction of Pensacola. 

The English troops in this quarter suffered extremely 
from their inactivity and indecision. General Campbell 
had an army at Pensacola, sixty miles only to the east- 
ward of Mobile, of sufficient force to have driven the 
Spaniards out of Florida ; yet he suffered an important 
fortress and harbor to fall into the hands of his enemy ! 
His attempts at relief were so long delayed, #iat, when 
his army arrived, the town and fort were in possession of 
the Spaniards. 

Gnat Britain was never, perhaps, less triumphant on 
the ocean than at this period. The combined fleets of 
France and Spain manifested a confidence seldom before 
witnessed, and the pride of the British commerce and na- 
vy appeared on the decline. Spain was particularly anx- 
ious to recover her ancient dominions in Florida, and re- 
solved to employ a considerable force under the fortunate 
general Galvez for that purpose. The capture of Mo- 
bile induced her to send to the Havanna nearly twelve 
thousand men, together with a formidable fleet, under 
admiral Solano. At that place, and on the voyage from 
Spain, vast numbers died of sickness, and several large 
ships, filled with men, went to the bottom in a subsequent 
gale. 

Just before the arrival of this fleet and army, general 
Galvez made two unsuccessful attempts on Pensacola, 
and then repaii-ed to the Havanna in pursuit of competent 
supplies, and a force equal to thf object in view. 

From the fleet of admiral Solano he obtained all the 
requisite means, and early in February 1781, set sail with 
a strong naval and military force. But a violent storm in 
the gulf sunk some oi his heavy ships, as already menti- 
oned, dispersed the remainder, and obliged him to make 
the best of his way back to the Havanna, 



78 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

The fortunate arrival of some store ships from Spam, 
enabled him to repair his losses, and speedily to be at sea 
again. On the ninth of March the Spanish fleet entered 
the bay of Pensacola, and general Galvez proceeded to 
land the troops, ordn:»nce, and military stores. The next 
day the ships of war made an attempt to enter the har- 
bor ; but they met with such a warm reception as oblig- 
ed them to retire. On the nineteenth they succeeded un- 
der a tremendous cannonade from the English land bat- 
teries, an<* cast anchor before the town. Some Spanish 
troops from Mobile arrived the following day, and were 
very roughly handled as they entered the harbor. 

The Spaniards lost no time in opening a land commu- 
nication between the bay and town, and in preparing to 
attack the fortifications. They were provided with a 
good train of artillery ; and such was the nature of the 
country, and the materials with which it abounded, that 
their works were soon consructed. 

From the Spanish fleet on one side, and the land bat- 
teries on the other, the English soldiery were exposed to 
such a dreadful fire as frequently to be driven from their 
guns. Yet amid this scene of dangerous hostility they 
never despaired of the issue, till an unlucky accident oc- 
curred, which obliged them to propose terms of capitula- 
tion. The magazine in one of the advance redoubts of 
the English was blown up by means of a shell ; the work 
was completely destroyed by the explosion, and a free 
passage opened into the town. 

The Spanish commander was not disinclined to accede 
to favorable terms, particularly as his troops smarted se- 
verely under the effects of the English ordnance. On the 
ninth of May, generals Galvez and Campbell signed arti- 
cles of capitulation. The whole of the territory, then 
denominated West Florida, was resigned to Spain. The 
English were allowed to retain their baggage and private 
property, and to retire where they pleased, stipulating on- 



fllSTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 79 

ly not to serve against Spain till an exchange took place. 
General Campbell was charged, at least in the publications 
of the day, with a premature surrender of this important 
fortress and colony. Success is too often considered as 
the only criterion of merit, and the want of it seldom 
meets with a favorable interpretation from the public. 

The number of killed and wounded among the Spani- 
ards was never precisely known ; but it was considerable. 
About one hundred of the English were killed, and a 
great number wounded. The capitulation included about 
one thousand prisoners. 

An occurrence took place during the siege, which in- 
volved some of the English settlers in difficulty. A con- 
siderable fleet made its appearance in the offing, and it 
was on both sides conjectured to belong to the English. 
General Galvez was so apprehensive of it, that he prepar- 
ed to abandon the advantages he had gained, and to lead 
his army over land to Mobile. The hopes of the besieg- 
ed experienced a momentary elevation ; but it was soon 
ascertained that the fleet in question belonged to the 
French. The tidings of relief, however, soon spread o~ 
ver the country ; and so confident were the people of the 
total expulsion of the Spaniards from Florida, that those 
in the neighborhood of Natchez rose in arms, and seized 
on the Spanish garrison at that place. The news of the 
fall of Pensacohi, which arrived soon after, convinced 
them of their error. The garrison was immediately re- 
stored ; but some of the most active leaders deemed it 
prudent to seek safety in flight, and a reward was offered 
for their scalps. It does not appear, however, that any 
blood was spilt on the occasion. 

While the Spaniards were aiming at the possession of 
West Florida, the English endeavoured to divert their at- 
tention lo another quarter. The commandant of Michil- 
limakinak in 1780, :»sscmbled about fifteen hundred Indi- 
ans, and one huuUicd and forty English, and attempted 



80 HISTORICAL SKIiTGIIES OF LOUISIANA. 

the reduction of St. Louis, the capital of Upper Louisia'^ 
na. During the short time they were before that towpj 
sixty of the inhabitants were killed, and thirty taken pri- 
soners. Fortunately for them, general Clark was on the- 
the opposite side of the Mississippi with a considerable 
force. On his appearance at St. Louis with a strong de- 
tachment, the Indians were amazed. They had no dis- 
position to quarrel with any other than the Louisianians, 
and charged the English with deception. In fine, as the 
jealousy of the Indians was excited, the English trembled 
for their safety, and therefore secretly abandoned their 
auxiliaries, and made the best of their way into Canada. 
The Indians then retired to their homes in peace. This 
expedition, as appears, was not sanctioned by the Eng- 
lish court, and the private property of the commandant 
wat seized to pay the expenses of it ; most likely because 
it proved unfortunate. 

Thus terminated the dispute between the English and 
Spaniards in this quarter of the globe. At the peace of 
1783, Great Britain ceded East Florida, and guaranteed 
AVest Florida to the crown of Spain. 

The terms of this peace opened a wide field of dispute 
between the United States and Spain, which continued to 
agitate the two nations for about twelve years. Great 
Britain by treaty relinquished the Fioridas to Spain, with- 
out any specific boundaries, and by another treaty of a 
simultaneous date, ceded to the United States all the 
country to the north of the thirty first degree. Soon af- 
ter the treaty of 1763, she divided Florida into two pro- 
vinces. The northern boundary of what she denominated 
West Florida, was at first limited to the thirty first de- 
gree, but was eventually extended to the Y.izous in north 
latitude thirty two degrees, twenty eight minutes, where 
it actually existed at the time of the guarantee in 1/83. 
This boundary had no existence under the French go- 
vernment; what was afterwards called West Florida, was 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 81 

Ut that time included in Louisiana. Besides, at the time 
of the guarantee already mentioned, the Spaniards were 
in possession ot ^\est Florida, as antecedently occupied 
by the English, in virtue of the right of conquest. 
Hence the pretensions of Spain to all the territory south 
of the Yazous, were, perhaps, as well founded as those 
of the United States. 

Another point of still greater magnitude was involved 
in the dispute ; the United States claimed the right of na- 
vigating the Mississippi, and Spain contested it. The 
treaty of 1763, allowed both Great Britain and Spain an 
equal participation of this right. The latter contended 
that the reduction of West Florida by force of arms, ves- 
ted in her an exclusive right to that river below the up- 
per boundary of her dominions on the east side of it, and 
even denied to the United States Ihe least shadow of claim 
to participate it with her. 

But Spain had other and more powerful reasons for ob- 
structing the navigation of the Mississippi. She was ap- 
prehensive that New Orleans would be glutted with the 
produce of the country about the Ohio, and of course 
exclude her own subjects from a profitable market. It 
was likewise her policy to have as little intercourse as 
possible with a people, whose rapid population' and enter- 
prise, added to the nature of tiieir political principles, ex- 
cited serious apprehensions for the safety of her colonies. 
To open the navigation of the Mississippi appeared to 
her the same as to invite an attack, pariicularly as it would 
draw to the capital, an army of boatmen, equal to the 
conquest of Louisiana. Besides, she contemplated the 
annexation of some of our western territories to her do- 
minions, and conceived, that an interdiction of commer- 
cial pursuits was the most likely means of facilitating that 
desirable event. 

At the r'ose of the American revolution, the country 
about the Ohio and its waters was rapidly populated; and 



82 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

so early as 1785, Kentucky alone contained about twelve 
thousand souls. The propriety of forming a new state 
on the western waters was now for the first time suggest- 
ed, and Virginia vvas disposed to accelerate the measure. 
A convention met at Danville to deliberate on the subject ; 
but a majority of the members declared against it. 

The political relations of these people were much em- 
barrassed. Their legislature convened six hundred miles 
from them, and the confederation was so defective as to 
leave them almost unprotected by the United States. 
Their distance too from the Atlantic markets, (rendered 
difficult of access from an almost impenetrable wilder- 
ness, and a chain of stupendous mountains) exposed them to 
many serious inconveniences. Vain were their attempts to 
obtain a market at New Orleans for their produce. The 
navig:ition of the Mississippi was strictly prohibited by the 
Spaniards, and even the United States seemed disposed to 
acquiesce in this prohibition for at least a term of years ! 
The courts of justice established among them by the le- 
gislature of Virginia, served to remedy some of their local- 
evils j but those of a more universal nature, and of the 
greatest magnitude, still remained to be removed. 

The climate and soil of Kentucky proved extremely fa- 
vorable to agricultural pursuits. The planters soon found 
themselves in possession of large quantities of surplus 
produce, and a rapid accumulation was rendered certain 
from their industry. This made them the more impatient 
of the restraints under which they labored, and incited 
them to utter their complaints to the legislature of the 
union. 

For this purpose another convention vvas formed in 
Kentucky in 1788. A petition to congress was agreed on, 
and a redress of grievances demanded, particularly the 
renovation of the Mississippi commerce. Not much was 
expected from this measure, and the convention resorted 
to it more from a sense of duty than any prospect of sue- 



HISTORICAL SKETCIIl^S OF LOUiSIANA. g- 

cess. Our confcdt^rattd government at that tin:ie was ex- 
tremely weak at home, and not much respected abroad. 
The warm remonstrance of congress, however, produced 
a temporary relaxation of the usual restrictions ; yet as 
the impediments were not fully removed, and the dura- 
tion of the indulgence uncertain, the ferment continued 
to rage among the western people. 

Abandoned in a manner by their own government, and 
denied admittance to the ocean by the Spaniards, thev felt 
some alarm for their interest, and much more for their 
safety. The exertions of congress in their favor had 
proved ineffectual, and the hardy lessons of experience 
persuaded all, that their future fate almost wholly depended 
on themselves. Many expedients to obtain redress were sug- 
gested, though the majority acceded to none of them. A 
diversity of mere opinion only, at first prevailed among 
the Kentuckians ; but this served in the end to excite 
their jealousy, and to mould them into no less than five 
parties of opposite sentiments and views. The design of 
the first was to become independent of the United States, 
to frame a government for the western settlements, and 
to enter into a commercial treaty with Spain. The se- 
cond aimed to annex Kentucky to Louisiana, and to admit 
the Spanish laws among them : This scheme was strenu- 
ously supported by the government of Spain, which en- 
deavored by means of its partizans to corrupt the minds 
of the people. The third was anxious to wage war with 
the Spaniards, and to seize on New Orleans. The fourth 
exerted itself to maintain the connexion between the wes- 
tern settlements and the Atlantic states ; and at the same 
lime to intimidate the Spanish authorities with threats 
of invasion, and thereby to extort from them what they 
were inclined to refuse. The object of the fifth was to 
induce France to obtain the retrocession of Louisiana, 
and then to receive the western people under her protec- 



84. IIISTOmCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

tion. Each party had its views in the plans proposed, 
and some of ihem had a favorable effect. 

The fears of an invasion, much more than the execu- 
tion of any other project, alarmed the Spaniards, and oc- 
casionally induced them to soften the rigor of their com- 
mercial restrictions. The settlements on the Ohio ap- 
peared formidable, and the character of the people was 
not much liked among them. They still kept in view the 
plan of disunion, and conceived it good policy to vary 
their mode of operations ; particularly as, with all their 
exertions, they had not been able to raise a party suffici- 
ently strong and respectable to justify a public manifesta- 
tion of their designs. In fine, they determined to try the 
effect of lenient measures. They conceived it practicable, 
by moderate concessions, and the distribution of money 
and other largesses among the leading characters,to bring 
about a gradual revolution in the public sentiment. 

Exclusive privileges in trade were never deemed ano- 
malous under the Spanish government ; and the authori- 
ties at N<:W Orleans conceived it good policy to extend 
them to Kentucky, especially as they were sure to find 
a friend in every privil ged trader. These grants were 
restricted to a few influential individuals : Bat as these 
soon discovered their inability to transport all the surplus 
produce of the country, permission was given them to 
sign passports for such of their friends as wished to try 
the market ; and New Orleans in the end swarmed with 
people from the Ohio. Pensions were likewise granted 
to a number of individuals in Kentucky ; not more, per- 
haps, to detach them from the interest of their own 
country, than to induce them to resist any preparations to 
attack the territories of Spain. The Spaniards expec- 
ted that these commercial privileges and pensions v/ould 
perform wonders, and operate like a charm on the stub- 
born and refractory sons of Kentucky. 



mSTOFTCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. gJ 

Our present federal government, soon after its esiab- 
lishment, began to extort the respect of ihe powers of 
Europe. Perhaps the character of Washinrton not a lit- 
tle contributed to the lustre it shed. It was among his 
first cares to attempt the settlement of the difficulties be- 
tween us and Spain. The free navigation of the Missis- 
sippi, and the designation of the territorial limits, were 
claimed in a ton-- not to be rejected ; and after a variety 
of discussions, the points in dispute between us and that 
power were happily adjusted. 

Pending this negociation, which was of several years 
continuance, the English and French were not inattentive 
to the distresses of the western people, nor unacquainted 
with the attempts of Spain to extend its jurisdiction over 
them. Both of these powers aimed at the possession of 
Louisiana and the Floridas, and were equally desirous of 
detaching Kentucky, and the other settlements on the 
Ohio, from the United States. The Spaniards redoubled 
their efforts to procure a division of the union, and by 
this measure to frustrate the policy of their enemies. 

Emissaries from Canada tampered with some of the 
defectious citizens of Kentucky. The Spanish possessi- 
ons on the Mississippi, according to them, were soon to 
be in the hands of England, when the money and rich 
fabrics of that nation would amply reward the industry 
of the planters. New Orleans was to be opcni.d for the 
reception of their provisions and raw materials of every 
kind, and commercial privileges of an advantag.rous na- 
ture were to be enjoved by all the inhabitants on the west 
side of the mountains. The delta, indeed, was to be the 
grand emporium of the western world, from which floods 
of wealth were to roll into the wilds and recesses of thc 
regions on the Ohio. 

The people, however, were not much moved by these 
flattering prospects. They still ent-rt lined antipathies 
against the English, and were not disposed to come again 



86 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

under thtir dominion. Besides, the hopes of escaping 
from thfir difficulties had not entirely forsaken them, and 
they were unwilling to incnr the stigma of an ignominious 
desertion of their country. 

Lures of the same nature were held out by the French, 
and with more effect. We had received benefits from that 
nation, and were disposed to consider her revolution as 
a struggle between tyranny and liberty. An imprudent 
diplomatic character took advantage of this generous par- 
tiality, concerted a plan to attack Louisiana, and t* carry 
it into effect by means of the citizeiis of the United States. 
This was one of the boldest steps ever taken by a public 
minister. Had he succeeded in his endeavors, a war be- 
tween us and Spain would have been inevitable. Nothing 
but the wisdom and firmness of our government saved us 
from the impending calamity; and at the same time pro- 
cured the recall of the minister, who, by repeated acts of 
aggression, had forfeited all claim to inviolability. 

These measures of the English and French, extorted 
loud complaints from Spain : Those of the former were 
the most dreaded by her. The Spanish minister alleged 
to our government, that an expedition from Canada, by 
way of the lakes, was in agitation against Louisiana; pe- 
remptorily demanded the arrestation of it, and the vm- 
dication of our sovereignty. The government was not 
full)^ convinced of the truth of this allegation ; yet, to ap- 
pease the fears of Spain, and to remove the impediments 
in the way of the pending negociation with that power, it 
strengthened our frontier posts, and issued strict orders 
to interdict the passage of any British troops across our 
territory. The English never attempted to carry such a 
plan into effect ; but a knowledge or suspicion of their 
views, si rved to keep Louisiana in a state of alarm, to 
induce the Spaniards to strengthen their barrier posts, to 
keep the United States out of the possession of the terri- 
tory to the north of the thirty first degree, and to exclude 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 87 

them from the commercial advantages of the Mississippi. 
Tlu-se two objects were finally adjusied by the treaty oi 
October 1795. 

This treaty, which hnd occupied the attention of the 
United Siates for many years, and was so ardently desir- 
ed, enfeebled the seductive practices of contending rivals, 
and resuscitated the ph\sical energies of the western peo- 
ple. Measures were immediately taken by our govern- 
ment to carrv the stipulations into effect. Andrew Ellicott, 
Esquire, who was appointed commissioner on the part of 
the United States, arrived at Natchez in February 1797, 
accompanied by a small guard of soldiers under the com- 
mand of lieutenant John M'Clary. But, from a variety 
of causes, the demarcation of the boundary was delated, 
for more than a year. 

It was stipulated between the parties, that one commis- 
sioner from each, should meet at Natchez within six 
months after the ratification of the treaty, attended by 
guards drawn from the troops of their respective nations; 
at which time the Spanish posts to the north of the thirty 
first degree were to be evacuated. 

For the purpose of receiving possession of these posts, 
a detachment of troops under the command of lieutenant 
P. S. Pope, soon followed Mr. Ellicott. The orders 
given to this ofRctr render it sufficiently probable, that the 
government apprehended some difficulties in the way of 
the execution of the treaty. He was directed to proceed 
in the first instance, to fort Massac on the Ohio, and there 
to wait the return of an officer previously despatched to 
New Madrid, in pursuit of official information relative to 
the delivery of the posts j and on the certainty or proba- 
bility of such an event, he was authorized to descend the 
Mississippi to Natchez. He was particularly charged, on 
his arrival at that place, " to establish the most perfect 
" discipline among the troops, to prevent every kind of 
" disorder, and to promote harmony, and a friendly inter- 



88 niSTORTCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

*' change of good offices with the mibjects of his catholic 
*' j}iajesty, and to treat the Spanish fag- with due respect 
" on all occasions." 

It may be safely doubted, whether Spain ever seriously 
intended to carry the treaty into effect, unless compelled 
to it by a concurrence of unfavorable events. The clamors 
of the western people, and the occasional disposition ma- 
nifested by them to invade Louisiana, in some measure 
extorted it from her, and therefore the fulfilment or non- 
execution of it, depended on future contingencies. To 
detach those people from the union was what she had 
most at heart, and of course was slow to despair of suc- 
cess. She was not ignorant, that they expressed much 
dissatisfaction at the tardy measures of government rela- 
tive to the navigation of the Mississippi, and that their 
isolated situation had often suggested the necessity of a 
separation from the Atlantic states. She was well aware, 
that the publication of the arrangement between the two 
nations, would bring her projects of disunion to a crisis, 
and in a manner compel the western people to make a de- 
cided election, either to adhere to the Atlantic states, or 
to embrace the splendid advantages held out to them on 
the Mississippi. It was deemed highly probable, indeed, 
that, by the distribution of money, and the promises of 
an unimbarrassed trade, the Kentuckians would eventu- 
ally accede to the propositions made them by the Spanish 
authorities. At any rate, as the lulfilment of the treaty 
would render abortive all future measures of disunion, 
she determined to make another effort to accomplish her 
purposes. 

Considerable time was necessary for this experiment, 
and it was obtained under various pretexts. The Spanish 
minister intrigued at the seat of government, and the au- 
thorities in Louisiana ably seconded his views. The first 
object was to prevent our commissioner, and the guard 
attached to him, from descending the Mississippi. The 



IIISTOKICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 89 

commissioner on the part of Spain, don Manuel Gayoso,* 
governor of the district of Natchez, under pretenct^, that 
he was not ready to evacuate the posts, and dreading, as 
he pretended, the approximation of the troops of the two 
nations, forwarded an express to Mr. Ellicott, and re- 
quested him to leave his guard at Bayou Pierre till the 
preparatory arrangements were made. This request, 
however, was disregarded, and they landed and encamped 
at Natchez. Lieutenant Pope soon followed with another 
detachment, and as it seems, contrary to his instructions, 
and was detained at the Walnut Hills by the orders of 
Gayoso. Mr. Ellicott secretly invited him to descend to 
Natchez in opposition to the Spanish authorities ; though 
Gayoso, before his arrival, was prevailed on to sanction 
the descent. 

The arrival of Mr. Ellicott and the troops of the Uni- 
ted States at Natchez, was contrary to the wishes and ex- 
pectations of the Spanish authorities : Yet they resolved 
to delay the execution of the treaty ; and the treaty itself, 
as well as the peculiar circumstances of the times, furnish- 
ed several plausible pretexts for the measure. They al- 
leged, that, as the treaty had not stipulated for the secu- 
rity of the landed property of the inhabitants, nor was 
explicit as to the delivery or demolition of the public 
buildings and fortifications, it was necessary to postpone 
the evacuation till these unexpected difficulties were set- 
tled by the two governments. They likewise alleged that 
the Canadian English contemplated the invasion of Lou- 
isiana by way of the lakes ; and hence the posts at the 
Walnut Hills and Natchez were necessary to cover New 
Orleans. The noted conspiracy of Blount was calculated 
to excite their fears. 

These allegations, however plausible and well founded, 
were urged by the Spanish authorities more to procure 

' lie acted hoAvcvcr, under the orders of the baron Carondelct. 



yO HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

dela)', than from any other motive. Their final evacua- 
tion or retention of the posts wholly depended on the de- 
feat or success of the measures, which were taken to de- 
tach the western country from the union. 

For, when the conclusion of the treaty was first known 
in Louisiana, an emissary was despatched to Tennessee 
and Kentucky, authorized to enter into engagements, to 
encourage the leading characters to seduce the minds of 
the people, to stipulate for the delivery of large sums of 
money, and to promise independence and a free trade. 
This was the last effort at disunion, and had it resulted 
in success, the treaty would have been totally disregar- 
ded. 

But it was found, that the people were less disposed 
for a change than ten years before. Some of the most 
prominent characters, who formerly advocated a sepa- 
ration, and were probably stimulated in their exertions 
by pecuniary rewards, now discovered an aversion to the 
hazardous experiment, especially as they were likely to 
acquire by amicable arrangement, the free enjoyment of 
the Mississippi navigation, which had been th'e great ob- 
ject of all their efforts. Hence they were not inclined to 
incur the danger of defeat, when even the most ample 
success would not place them in a more prosperous situa- 
tion than tha'. contemplated by the treaty. 

Mr. Ellicott, durii g this period, was not an idle spec- 
tator of events, nor ignorant of the designs of the Spanish 
authorities, and he took measures to defeat them. Whe- 
ther these measures were prudent and wise, or injudici- 
ous and reprehensible, perhaps may admit of dispute. 
Some will unquestionably be inclined to think, that in 
one instance he tergiversated, and in several openly vio- 
lated the sovereignty of Spain ; while others will find in 
his peculiar situation and motives, a complete justification 
of his conduct. To his irregular pniceedtngs, iniieed, 
has been imputed the detention of the posts, at least six 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 91 

months longer than was actually contemplated by the Spa- 
nish authorities. 

On his arrival at Natchez he insultingly displayed the 
flag of the United States in full view of the Spanish garrison,, 
Lieutenant jVrClary, who acted as he directed, proceeded 
to augment the number of his guard b\ the enlistment of 
Spanish subjects, and by the apprehension of deserters 
from the army of the United States, who had taken re- 
fuge in the territories of Spain. Governor Gayoso loudly 
complained of this conduct; he even directed the flag to 
be taken down, and demanded the liberation of the de- 
serters. Mr. EUicott was not disposed to yield the points 
in issue ; and the Spanish governor conceived it best not 
to press the subject a second time. No one will maintain, 
that he had a right to infract the laws of nations, or to 
attack the sovereignty of Spain. From the nature of the 
instructions given to lieutenant Pope, may be pretty clear- 
ly inferred the pacific tenor of his own. 

A considerable proportion of the people in the district 
of Natchez had removed from the United States, and no 
wonder they were solicitous for the meditated change. 
"^I'hey fully comprehended the motives, which induced the 
Spanish authorities to postpone the execution of the treaty, 
and therefore became impatient. A confidence of impu- 
nity led them to associate for the purpose of accelerating 
the desired change, and they were in a great measure 
guided by the hints and insinuations of Mr. Ellicott. In 
the end they unguardedly proceeded to such acts of opr 
position to the established authorities, as rendered them 
highly culpable in the eye of the law, and therefore, to 
avoid its penalties, found it necessary to acquire by vio- 
lent means, what they had a right to expect from solemn 
stipulations. From these Mr. EUicott selected what he 
called his " Little Council," and the members of it 
were not disposed to pacify the tumult among the peo- 
pie. 



92 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

The disorders in the district did not escape the notice 
of Gayoso, who, by a proclamation dated March the 
twenty ninth 1797, and another of a subsequent date, en- 
deavored to appease the impatient disposition of the peo- 
ple, and adverted to the reasons or pretexts, already sta- 
ted, for the inexecution of the treaty. He approbated 
private meetings for the purposes of devotion, and inter- 
dicted all processes for debt till after the planters had pre- 
pared their ensuing crops. 

These acts of condescension f;tiled of their intended ef- 
fect, particularly as they were believed to result from a 
sense of danger. The people were extremely jealous, 
and seemed to discover in the sudden augmentation of 
the military force at Natchez and the Walnut Hills (though 
for the avowed purpose of obstructing the descent of the 
English) a deliberate design to seize the malecontents ; 
and an apparent conviction of this truth precipitated them 
into measures of a hostile nature. Such indeed, were 
the commotions in the district, that Gayoso and his fa- 
mily, on the tenth of June, repaired to the fort for safety. 

About this period the people were indirectly Invited by 
Mr. Eliicott, to assemble and deliberate on their grievan- 
ces. Such a measure accorded with their most ardent 
wishes ; but as it would be in opposition to legal authority, 
they were apprehensive of an attempt by the Spanish 
troops to disperse the meeting, and to arrest those who 
should attend it. To dissipate their fears on this head, 
lieutenant Pope, on the twelfth of June, addressed them 
a letter, wherein, among other things, he declared, " that 
" he would at all hazards protect them." He called on 
them " in the most solemn manner to com'? forv/ard and 
" assert their rights," and at the same time offered his 
" sincere co-operation to accomplish that desirable ob- 
'^ ject." He requested their assistance in return " to re- 
" pel any troops or hostile parties that might make an at- 
^^ tempt to land for the purpose of reinforcing the garri- 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 93 

' son, or other purposes detrimental to the interest of the 
" country." At the bottom of this address, IMr. EUicott 
added a note in these words: " From the present alarm - 
" ing situation of the country, I fully approve of lieute- 
••' nant Pope's letter of this date to his fellow citizens as- 
" sembled at Mr. Belts."* 

Some time prior to this event, the baron Carondelet had 
publicly charged Mr. Ellicott with menacing the Spanish 
government. Gayoso on the thirteenth of June, the day 
after the date of the above mentioned letter, and while 
confined to the walls of his garrison, repeated the same 
charge in a communication to Mr. Ellicott, and demand- 
ed of him a statement of the part he took in the rebelli- 
ous proceedings of the people. IMr. Ellicott on the same- 
day answered, " since you demand a positive reply to the 
*' general question, whether I am concerned in measures 
" destructive of his catholic majesty's interest, or in an 
" attempt to attack the fort, I give you my word of honor, 
" that I am not !" 

It by no means accorded with the temper and feelings 
of Gayoso to be immured within the walls of the fort, 
and to be deprived of his power. The laws authorized 
coercive measures ; but of what avail were the laws with- 
out the mcLins of carrying them into execution ! Gayoso 
felt himself humbled ; and on the fourteenth of June, 
while under a strong perturbation of mind, addressed an 
elaborate proclamation to the people, requesting those in 
bodies to disperse, and to resume their usual occupations : 
the consequences of which he declared to be, an amnest\ 
for the past, and security for the future. This proclama- 
tion conceded every thing desired by the people ; it exhi- 
bited more the features of a humble remonstrance, than 
the dignified language of magisterial reprehension : Yet 
Mr. Ellicott says, that " it contained some expression-:. 

" About eight miles in tlie rear of Natchcr 



94 HISTOUICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

" very offensive to the people." Why then has he omitted 
to record it in his journal ? It does not appear, after 
an attentive perusal, to contain any such expressions. 

Certain it is, however, that inci'edible pains were taken 
to find in this official document some secret reservation, 
some occult quality, artfully designed by Giyoso as a pre- 
text for future punishment, should it ever be in his power 
to inflict it. M;iny of the people resorted to the ir arms, 
formed th-^^mselves into military bands, and elected their 
officers. Occasions were dexterously seized to insult the 
Spanish authorities, and to wound their pride. Lieute- 
nant Pope repeatedly put himself at the head of his men, 
sounded the charije, and menaced the garrison with an 
escalade. One of his men, by his contrivance, eltided the 
vigilance of th-.- Sp;inish sentinels in the night, cut a small 
piece of wood from '.he door of the magazine, and made 
his escape ; and lieutenant Pope, to tantalizi- Gayoso, im- 
mediately sent him the fruit of this successful enterprise. 

The extent and progress of the opposition at last began 
to alarm Mr. Ellicott, and he resolved to check it ; more 
indeed from a wish to escape the odium of it, than to 
prevent the expulsion of the Spanish authorities. He was 
not disposed to ride in the whirlwind, but he had an inclina- 
tion to direct the storm, and to gratify his purpose prevail- 
ed on the people to delegate their power to a committee, 
a body deemed more manageable, and Iss liable to be ex- 
acerbated by the fluctuating occurrences of the times. 

The people assembled on the twentieth of June, to de- 
liberate on their affairs. The pacific declarations of Gay- 
oso, contained in his proclamation, excited their jealousy, 
and they trembled, lest they were designed as a snare. 
They felt an inclination to prescribe the conditions of their 
own security, not only to avoid all ambiguity of expres- 
sion, but seemingly to extort what they knew was ready 
to be granted them. They therefore acceded to the pro- 
position of Mr. Ellicott, and appointed a committee of 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 95 

safety, invested it with extensive powers, and that gen- 
tleman and lieutenant Pope were chosen menibcrs of it. 
l^hisconinnttee proposed to Gayoso, that he should recog- 
nize its existence as a body ; that the people should not be 
prosecuted nor injured on account of the part taken by 
them against the government ; that they should be ex- 
empted from serving in the militia under the Spanish au- 
thorities, except to repel the invasion of the Indians, or 
to suppress riots ; that they should be considered as in a 
state of neutrality, though governed by the Spanish laws, 
and not be sent out of the country on any pretext what- 
ever. Gayoso readily yielded his assent to these propo- 
sitions ; and they were soon after ratified by the baron 
Carondelet, with an exception of no great moment, when 
the Spanish authorities resumed their functions, and the 
storm in a great measure subsided. 

Thus the people gained a complete victory over the 
constituted authorities. These became pledged to obli- 
viate all transactions of a treasonable nature ; to sanction 
and to legalize the existence of a dangerous power with- 
in their jurisdiction, able at any moment to subvert the go- 
vernment ; to exempt the militia from obedience, except 
in two specified instances, and tacitly to authorize it to o- 
bey the mandates of a rival nation, or its agents. These 
conditions are not destitute of point, and manifest a con- 
siderable degree of policy and skill. 

Some of the members of the committee were not fully 
in the confidence of Mr. Ellicott. He suspected colonel 
Anthony Hutchings, in particular, of entertaining views 
detrimental to the United Slates ; and the more so, as he 
had been a British officer, and was then a known pensi- 
oner of Great Britain. lie therefore prevailed on Gay- 
oso to dissolve the committee of safety by proclamation, 
and to authorize the election of another, which was to be, 
ccrsidered as permanent. This n* w committee was or- 
ganized about the first of July, and the electors did not 



96 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA/ 

think proper to bestow their suffrages on colonel Hatch- 
ings. Hence a permanent committee was now formed, 
much more dangerous to the Spanish authorities than the 
other, because it was elected and organized by virtue of 
their own mandate. It is strictly true as Mr. Eilicott 
boasts, " that this measure, as was really intended, put 
" a finishing stroke to the Spanish authority and jurisdic- 
" tion in the district." 

About this period a considerable change took place in 
the Spanish colonial government. The baron Carondelet 
was transferred to the province of Quito, and Gayoso 
succeeded him as governor general of Louisiana, and re- 
paired to New Orleans. Colonel Grandpree was appoint- 
ed governor of the district of Natchez ; but the perma- 
nent committee resolved, that he should not be received 
as such, and he never made his appearance. In the mean 
time, and until the evacuation of the posts, the Spanish 
government in the district devolved on major Mmor, a 
gentleman originally from Pennsylvania, and at this time 
one of the most wealthy planters in the Mississippi ter- 
ritorv. 

Colontrl Hutchings v/as not a little chagrined and disap- 
pointed at the defeat he experienced in the late election ; 
and the doubts entertained of his patriotism served to 
wound his pride, and to excite his resentment. No won- 
der, then, that he became inimical to the permanent com- 
mittee, and meditated its destruction. After the depar- 
ture of Giyoso he attempted the dissolution of it, and 
the organization of another. He failed in his first object, 
and succeeded in the second, llcnce the district was vi- 
olently arvitated by the bitter contests of the two rival 
committees. The Spanish authorities were too feeble to 
resist the views of opposition, or to impart energy to a 
rival pow! r. 

One of the first steps taken by the new committee was 
to prepare a petition and memorial to congress, in which 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 9/ 

the measures of INIr. Ellicott and lieutenant Pope were 
severely reprehended. The other committee endeavoured 
to shield these gentlemen from the resentment of the ex- 
ecutive of the United States ; and rc-solved, that the neu- 
tral position of the district resulted from the friendly and 
salutary advice of the first, and that the second " deserved 
■' well of his country." 

Ciiptain Guion arrived at Natchez in December with a 
considerable detachment, and assumed the command of 
all the troops of the United States in the district. From 
ihe tenor of his instructions, it is evident, that they were 
dictated with a view to the prevalent disturbances. At 
any rate, he conceived it his duty to discountenance the 
hostile attitude of the people, and to disconcert the efforts 
of the permanent committee : He even threatened to 
disperse the members of that body, and to put Mr. Elli- 
<:ott in confinement, whose conduct he reprobated in the 
strongest terms. 

This decisive tone, added to measures of a correspond- 
ing nature, at once arrested the progress of the disorders; 
the ferment gradually subsided, and tranquility was re- 
stored; the Spanish authorities resumed their former 
consequence, and no longer hesitated to prepare for aa 
evacuation of the posts. No doubt this event was accele- 
rated in part, by the restoration of order in society, and ia 
part, by the complete failure of all attempts at disunion. 

The evacuation of all the posts to the north of the thirty 
first degree, took place in the early part of the summer 
of 1798. The demarcation of the boundary line com- 
menced near the same period, and was completed in 
March 1709, except a small portion of it along the bor- 
ders of East Florida, which was suspended on account 
of the hostile appearance ol the Indians. William Dun- 
bar, esquire, disimguished in the republic )'i ktters, and 
major Minor, were successively the commissioners on 
the part of Spain. 

o 



98 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

It has already been hinttd, that the acquisition of our 
independence excited the jealousy of Spain. That me- 
morable event led the politicians and statesmen of that 
power to speculate on our future views. They dreaded 
the example we had afforded to the world, and trembled 
at the probable introduction of the spirit of liberty into 
the Mexican dominions. In 1787, the intendant of Lou-^ 
isiana prepared an elaborate memoir on this subject b}" 
order of the Spanish court, in which he represented the 
people of the United States as extremely ambitious, as 
animated by the spirit of conquest, and as anxious to ex- 
tend their empire to the shores of the Pacific. He then 
suggested a line of policy, which, in his opinion, it was 
incumbent on Spain to adopt. The dismemberment of 
the western country, by means of pensions and commer- 
cial benefits, was considered by him as not difficult. The 
attempt was therefore strongly urged, particularly as it 
would, if successful, greatly augment the power of Spain 
in this quarter, and forever arrest our progress west- 
ward. These suggestions were favorably receix ed, and 
formed the ground work of that policy, which Spain af- 
terwards pursued. If she interdicted our commence, it 
was from an apprehension that our government under the 
confederation was too weak to assert with effect the rights 
of the nation ; that this weakness would eventually alien- 
ate the affections of the western people, cool their patri- 
otism, and induce them to become Spanish subjects : At 
any rate, the measure seemed well calculated to remove 
to a distant day, the dangers of mutual intercourse, 
which it was feared would disturb the tranquility of the 
provinces. On this ground the proposition of some of 
our revolutionary officers to form an extensive settlement 
in the heart of Louisiana, was rejected both by (luar- 
doqui, and the authorities «t New Orleans. 

That Spain actually resolved on the non execution of 
the treaty, is fully explained in a letter written by gover- 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 99 

nor Gayoso in June 1796, to a confidential friend, which 
has lately come to light. He was persuaded from many 
and powerful reasons, that it would never be carried into 
effect. He alleged that, at the time the treaty was sign- 
ed, the affairs of Europe rendered the neutrality of the 
United States of the greatest importance to Spain, parti- 
cularly as it had a tendency to destroy a plan in agitation 
to renew a destructive war. According to him, the ob- 
ject of Great Britain, in her treaty with the United 
States, about this period, was to attach them to her in- 
terests, and even to render them dependent on her, and 
therefore, the Spanish treaty of limits was made to coun- 
terbalance it; but as Great Britain had totally failed in 
her object, it was not the policy of Spain to regard her 
stipulations* Besides, it was expected, that several 
states would separate from the union, which would ab- 
solve Spain from her engagements ; because, as her con- 
t'"ct was made with the union, it would be no longer ob- 
ligatory than while that union lasted : That Spain, con* 
trary to her expectations, was not likely to derive any 
advantages from the treaty, and that her views and po- 
licy would be changed, particularly if an alteration took 
place in the political existence of the United States. 
He therefore concluded, that, all things considered, no- 
thing more would result from the treaty than the free 
navigation of the Mississippi. These are some of the 
reasons urged by governor Gayoso against the fulfilment 
of mutual stipulations. They fully account for the obsta- 
cles thrown in the way of the demarcation of the boun- 
dary line, and likewise explain the objects of the several 
secret missions of a Spanish emissary to the territories ot 
the United States on the western waters. 

During the period of these local transactions, the con- 
flicts in Europe began to trouble the repose of the United 
States. The belligerents paid little or no regard to the 



100 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

rights of neutrals, and prostrated them on the ocean. The 
privateers and armed ships of Spain, regardless of trea- 
ties, committed numerous and destructive spoliations on 
our commerce. That power most likely again contem- 
plated the separation of the western people from the uni- 
on; and there is but too much reason to believe, that its 
fritnds and agents in that quarter represented such a re- 
volution as among probable events. 

The Spaniards did not limit their outrages to our pro- 
perty on the ocean; they even denied us the right of de- 
posit at New Orleans, and manifested a disposition to re- 
vivf their former occlusions in their utmost extent. This 
produced a strong ferment in the public mind. The go- 
vernment remonstrated, but without any advantageous ef- 
fect. This conduct was deemed the more culpable on 
the part of Spain, as she had just before agreed to allow 
us the free navigation of the Mississippi, and stipulated 
for the admission and deposit of our produce at New Or- 
leans. A convincing proof was now exhibited, that no 
faith was to be reposed in the engagements of that power, 
and that something more substantial than treaty stipulati- 
ons was necessary to ensure the enjoyment of our rights. 
The injury inflicted by these last restrictions was the more 
severely felt by the western states and territories, as theic 
population and industry had greatly accumulated within a 
short period. 

President Adams bad been no stranger to the pernici- 
ous inti-igues of foreign nations on our interior waters ; 
and he readily perceived that, if justice was suffered to 
sleep, the same intrigues would be revived, and perhaps 
with more effect. As the arts of negociation had been 
exhausted to no purpose, he concerted a plan of redress, 
not less bold in conception, than difficult, and even deli- 
cate, in execution. Nothing less than the acquisition of 
New Orleans appeared to him in the least calculated to 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. IQI 

■nclemnify the United States lor the losses they had sus- 
tained, and to appease the fears and inquietudes of the 
western people.* 

The success of this enterprlze almost wholly depend- 
ed on conducting it in such a way, as not to awaken the 
suspicions of Spain ; and happily our dispute with France 
served as a cover to the real design. The depredations 
committed on our commerce by that power, and the re- 
jection of our ministers, excited a spirit of resentment 
in the public mind, and incredible efforts were made to 
inflame it. Hence twelve regiments were added to the 
army in 1799, which engaged to serve during the exist- 
ing differences between the United States and the French 
republic. 

A\ hen this additional army was nearly ready for the 
field, three of the old regiments, then stationed on the 
western waters, were ordered to assume a position near 
the mouth of the Ohio, and to keep their boats in constant 
repair for service. The intention was that, with the ap- 
probation of congress, these regiments should descend 
the Mississippi, and seize on New Orleans. The new le- 
vies were to march from the Atlantic states about the 
same time ; and it was conceived probable, that they 
would be able to join their companions before the arrival 
of any Spanish troops in the country. It was expected 
that a successful expedition of this nature would induce 
Spain to accede to such terms as the United States were 
disposed to prescribe. 



• As this portion of histoiy may probably be new to most teachers, 
■it seems necessaiy to state, that the Autlior derived it from the late 
General Knox. This Gentleman was appointed a major-general on the 
new establishment; but considerations of a personal nature induced 
him to decline the service. It was understood, however, that he was 
well acquainted with the military views of our {jovernmcnt at that 
period. 



i02 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

This plan of operations was well concerted, and 
must have succeeded if attempts had been made to carry 
it into effect. But the certainty of a change in the 
presidency, which took place soon after, induced Mr. 
Adams to recommend the dissolution of the twelve 
regiments and they were accordingly disbanded in the 
summer of 1800. 

Mr. Jefferson, on his accession to the presidency in 
1801, reiterated to Spain the infractions of the treaty, 
and demanded redress. She restored to us the right of 
deposit, but no longer claimed Louisiana as her own. On 
the first of October 1800, she entered into a conditional 
agreement to retrocede that colony to the French repub- 
lic ; and this retrocession actually took place by treaty on 
the twenty first of Mnxh 1801. The French made pre- 
parations to take possession of Louisiana, and an army of 
twenty five thousand men was designed for that country ; 
but the fleet and army were suddenly blockaded in one of 
the ports of Holland by an English squadron. 

This unexpected occurrence, joined to the gloomy as- 
pect of affairs in Europe, and the want of funds to carry 
on a complicated war, induced the French republic to 
cede Louisiana to the United States, by treaty bearing 
date the thirtieth of April 1803. The Spanish authorities 
early in December of the same year, delivered possession 
of Lower Louisiana to M. Laussat, the French commissi- 
oner, and it was by him duly transferred on the twentieth - 
of the same month, to the commissioners of the United 
States, governor Claiborne, and general Wilkinson. The 
author of these sketches was the constituted agent of the- 
French republic in Upper Louisiana, and in her name re- 
ceived possession of that province on the ninth day of 
March 1804, and the next day transferred it to the Uni- 
ted States. 

Congress took an early opportunity to provide for the 
temporary administration of justice in Louisiana. An act 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. loj 

was passed, vesting all the military, civil, and judicial 
powers, exercised by the Spanish authorities, in such per- 
son or persons, and to be exercised in such manner, as the 
president of the United States should direct. His excel- 
lency William C. C. Claiborne was appointed governor 
and intendant general of Louisiana ; and the author of 
these sketches was appointed first civil commandant of 
Upper Louisiana, and legally commissioned to exercise 
the powers and prerogatives of the Spanish lieutenant 
governor of that province. On taking possession, he 
deemed it adviseable to publish the following circular ad- 
dress to the inhabitants: — 

" The period has now arrived, when, in conse- 
quence of amicable negociations, Louisiana is in the posses- 
sion of the United States. The plan of a permanent ter- 
ritorial government for you, is already under the conside- 
ration of congress, and will doubtless be completed as 
soon as the importance of the measure will admit. But, 
in the mean time, to secure your rights, and to prevent a 
delay of justice, his excellency William C. C Qaiborne, 
governor of the Mississippi territory, is invested with 
those authorities and powtrs (derived from an act of con- 
gress) usually exercised by the governor and intendant 
general under his catholic majest\ ; and permit me to add 
that, by virtue of the authority and power vested in him 
by the president of the United States, he has been pleased 
to commission me as first civil commaiidant of Upper 
Louisiana. 

" Directed to cultivate friendship and harmouy among 
you, and to make known the sentiments of the United States 
relative to the security and preservation of all your rights, 
both civil and religious, I know of no mode better calcu- 
lated to begin the salutary work, than a circular address. 



104 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

" It will not be necessary to advert to the various pre- 
liminary arrangements, which have conspired to place you 
in your present political situation; with these it is presum- 
ed you are already acquainted. Suffice it to observe, that 
Spain in 1809, and in 1801, retroceded the colony and 
province of Louisiana to France; and that France in 
1803, conveyed the sanrae territory to the United States, 
who are now in the peaceable and legal possession of it. 
These transfers were made with honorable views, and un- 
der such forms and sanctions as are usually practised 
among civilized nations. 

" Thus you will perceive, that you are divested of the 
the character of subjects, and clothed with that of citl- 
izens. You now form an integral part of a great commu= 
iiity, the powers of whose government are circumscribed 
and defined by charter, and the liberty of the citizen ex- 
tended and secured. Between this government and its ci- 
tizens, nianv reciprocal duties exist, and the prompt and 
regular performance of them is necessary to the safety 
and welfare of the whole. No one can plead exemption 
from these duties; they are equally obligatory on the rich 
and the poor; on men in power, as well as on those not 
intrusted with it : They are not prescribed as whim and 
caprice may dictate ; on the contrary, they result from 
the actual or implied compact between society and its 
members, and are founded not only on the sober lessons of 
experience, but in the immutable nature of things. If 
therefore the government be bound to protect its citizens 
in the enjoyment of their libertv, property, and religion, 
the citizens are no less bound to obey the laws, and to aid 
the magistrate in the execution of them ; to repel inva- 
sion, and in periods of public danger, to yield a portioii 
oi their time and exertions in defence of public liberty. 
In goverameuts differently constituted, where popular e- 



Historical skf/iciirs of Louisiana. 105 

lections are unknown, and where the exercise of power is 
coniided to those of hijgh birch, and great wealth, the pub- 
lic defence is committed to men who make the science of 
war an exclusive trade and profession ; but in all free re- 
pul)lics, where the citizens are capacitated to elect, and to 
be elected, into offices of emolument and dignity, perma- 
nent armies of any considerable extent are justly deemed 
hostile to liberty ; and therefore the militia is considered 
as the palladium of their safety. Hence the origin of this 
rnaxim, that evtrj- soldier is a citizen, and every citizen 
a soldier. 

" With these general prir.ciivles before you, it is confi- 
dently expected, that you will not be less faithful to the 
United States, than you have been to his catholic ma- 
jesty. 

" Your local situation, the varieties in your language 
and education, have contributed to render your manners, 
laws, and customs, and even your prejudices, somewhat 
diilerent from those of your neighbors, but not less fa- 
vorable to virtue, and to good order in society. These 
deserve something more than mere indulgence; they shall 
be respected. 

" If, in the course of former time, the people on diffe* 
rent sides of the Mississippi, fostered national prejudices 
and antipathies against each other, suffer not these cankers 
of human happiness any longer to disturb your repose, or 
to awaken your resentment; draw the veil of oblivion o- 
ver the past, and unite in pleasing anticipations of the fu- 
ture; embrace each other as brethren of the same mighty 
family, and think not, that an\ member of it can derive 
happiness from the miserv or degradation ot another. 



lOG llfSTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

" I/ittle will the authority and example of the best 
magistrates avail, when the public mind becomes tainted 
with perverse sentiments, or languishes under an indiffer- 
ence to its true interests. Sulfer not the pride of virtue, 
nor the holy fire of religion to become extinct. If these 
be different in their nature, they are necessary supports to 
each other. Cherish the sentiments of order and tran- 
quillity, and frown on the disturbers of the public peace. 
Avoid as much as possible all legal contests ; banish village 
vexation, and unite in the cultivation of the social and 
moral affections. 

" Admitted as you are into the embraces of a wise and 
magnanimous nation, patriotism will gradually warm your 
breasts, and stamp its features on your future actions. 
To be useful, it must be enlightened; not the effect of 
passion, local prejudice, or blind impulse. Happy the 
people^ who possess invaluable rights, and know how to 
exercise them to the best advantage; wretched are those, 
who do not think and act freely. It is a sure test of wis- 
dom to honor and support the government under which 
you live, and to acquiesce in the decisions of the public 
will, when they be constitutionally expressed. Confide 
therefore in the justice and integrity of our federal presi- 
dent; he is the faithful guardian of the laws; he enter- 
tains the most beneficent views relative to the glory and 
happiness of this territory ; and the merit derived from 
the acquisition of Louisiana, without any other, will 
perpetuate his fame to posterity. Place equal confidence 
in all the other constituted authorities of tht- union. They 
■will protect your rights, and indeed your feelings, and all 
the tender felicities and sympathies, so dear to rational 
and intelligent creatures. A very short experience of their 
equitable and pacific policy, will enable you to view them 
in their proper light. I flatter myself that you will give 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 107 

their measures a fair trial, and not precipitate yourselves 
into conclusions, which you may afterwards see cause to 
retract. The first official acts of my present station, au- 
thorized by high authority, will confirm these remarks. 

" The United States, in the acquisition of Louisiana, 
were actuated by just and liberal views. Hence the ad- 
mission of an article in the treaty of cession, the substance 
of which is, that the inhabitants of the ceded territory 
shall be incorporated into the union, and admitted as soon 
as possible to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages 
and immunities of citizens of the United States ; and, 
in the mean time, be maintained and protected in the 
free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion. 

" From these cursory hints you will be enabled to 
comprehend your present political situation, and to anti, 
cipate the future destinies of your country. You may 
soon expect the establishment of a territorial govern- 
ment, administered by men of wisdom and integrity, 
whose salaries will be paid out of the treasury of the 
United States. From your present population, and the 
rapidity of its increase, this territorial establishment 
must soon be succeeded by your admission as a state in- 
to the Federal Union. At that period, you will be at li- 
berty to try an experiment in legislation, and to frame 
such a government as may best comport with your local 
interests, manners, and customs ; popular suffrage will 
be its basis. The enaction of laws, and the appoint- 
ment of judges to expound them, and to carry them into 
effect, are among the first privileg of organized society. 
Equal to these, indeed, and connected with them, is the 
inestimable right of trial by jury. The forms of judi- 
cial processes, and the rules for the admission of testi- 
mony in courts of justice, when firmly established, are 
of great and obvious advantage to the people. It is also 



108 inSTOniCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

of iuiportance, that a distinction be made between trials 
of a capital nature, and those of an inferior degree, as 
likewise between all criminal and civil contestations. 
In fine, Upper Louisiana, from its climate, population, 
soil, and productions, and from other natural advantages 
attached lo i{,, will, in all human probability, soon become 
a star of no inconsiderable magnitude in the American 
constdlation. 

" Be assured that the United States feel all the ardor 
for your interests, which a warm attachment can inspire, 
I have reason to believe that it will be among some of their 
first objects, to ascertain and confirm your land titles. 
They well know the deranged state of these titles, and of 
the existence of a multitude of equitable claims under le- 
gal surveys, where no grants or concessions have been 
procured. What ultimate measures will be taken on this 
subject, does not become me to conjecture ; but thus much 
I will venture to affirm, that the most ample justice will 
be done ; and that, in the final adjustment of claims, no 
settler or landholder will have any just cause to complain. 
Claimants of this description have hitherto invariably ex- 
perienced the liberality of government; and surely it will 
not be less liberal to the citizens of Upper Louisiana, 
•who form a strong cordon across an exposed frontier of a 
\'ast empire, nnd are entitled by solemn stipulations to all 
the rights and immunities of freemen. 

" My duty, not more indeed than my inclination, urges 
me to cultivate friendship and harmony among you, and 
and between you and the L^nited States. I suspect my 
talents to be unequal to the duties which devolve on me in 
the organization and temporary administration of the go 
vernment; the want of a proper knowledge of your laws 
and language, is among the difficulties I have to encounter. 
But my ambition and exertions bear some proportion to 



HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA kjC) 

the honor conferred on me ; and the heavy responsibilit} 
attached to my office, admonishes me to be prudent and 
circumspect. Inflexible justice and impartiality shall guide 
me in all my determinations. If, however, in the dis- 
charge of a variety of complicated duties, almost wholly 
prescribed by the civil law and the code of the Indies, I be 
led into error, consider it as involuntary, and not as the effecL 
of inattention, or of any exclusive favors or aflections. Des- 
tined to be the temporary guardian of the rights and li- 
berties of at least ten thousand people, I may not be able 
to gratify the just expectations of all ; but your prosperity 
and happiness will claim all my time and talents ; and no 
earthly enjoyment could be more complete, than that de- 
rived from your public and individual security, and from 
the increase of your opulence and power." 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAFrER II. 



OF THE FLORIDAS. 



THE proximity of the Floridas to the United States, 
and our claim to no inconsiderable portion of them, ren- 
der some account of them of the greatest importance at 
this time. It must be confessed, however, that the sub- 
ject is barren of materials. That extensive country, nearly 
destitute of roads, and most parts of it equally destitute 
of inhabitants, offers no allurements to men of enterprise ; 
it is not calculated to reward the trouble and expense of 
itinerant excursions, nor to gratify the curiosity of the 
speculative philosopher. Its isolated position, and want 
of commerce, have likewise contributed to conceal it 
from the eye of observation, and to render it almost as 
little known at the present day, as it was two hundred 
years ago. 



112 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

While the French were in possession of Louisiana, all 
that part of Florida, between the Perdido and Mississippi, 
was included in that province. The remainder was in 
the possession of the Spaniards, and extended along the 
gulf and Atlantic coast from the Perdido to the claims oi 
the English on the north of them. West Florida owes its 
name to the English government ; and when this province 
was created, the name of Louisiana became extinct in 
that quarter. 

Antecedent to 1763, while the Spaniards were in pos- 
session of what is now called East Florida, a dispute 
was long maintained relative to the boundaries between 
them, and the then British colonies. As early as 1604, 
attempts were made, without effect, to adjust the preten- 
sions of the two powers in America. These attempts 
were revived in 1670; and as neither party was disposed 
to yield its pretensions, it was finally stipulated, that the 
English should continue to occupy what they then posses- 
sed. This by no means served to compose the differen- 
ces ; for the southern limits of Carolina Itccording to the 
second charter of Charles the second, extended to the 
twenty ninth degree of north latitude, which included the 
whole of the Spanish settlements in Florida, and even 
part of the peninsula. Besides, the immense tract of un- 
inhabited territory between the settlements of the two na- 
tions, was claimed by both, and perhaps with equal pre- 
tensions. The charter of Georgia was granted in 1733, 
which bounded that colony to the southward on the most 
southern stream of the Altamaha. With this boundary 
the Spaniards appear to have been satisfied ; but thev 
strongly contended for the tract between that river and 
the St. Mary's, included in the Carolina charter, of which 
general Ogk-thorpe was directed to take and keep posses- 
sion. It was, however, the policy of Great Britain to 
avoid a rupture on account of this boundary ; and so late 
as 1 / 56, she directed some settler?, Vv'ho had clandestinelv 



OF THE FLOIllD.Vb. II3 

planted themselves on the St. Mary's, to be removed by force. 
At the peace of 1763, when Florida passed under the do- 
minion of Great Britain, the rivc;r St. IMary's was esta- 
blished as the boundary line between that province and 
^-leorgia. 

One of the first acts of the English, after Florida pas- 
sed into their hands, was to fix its boundaries and to di- 
vide it into two colonies, denominated east and west Flo- 
rida. The north boundary of East Florida, was the ri- 
ver St. Mary's from the sea to its source, and thence 
westward to that part of the Apalachicola, where it is 
joined by Flint rivtr. The north line of West Florida 
was fixed on the Mississippi, at the thirty first degree, 
and thence due east to the Apalachicola, and thence down 
that river to the sea. But in 1 r64, under aa apprehension 
suggested by the board of trade, that this line would not 
include the Mobile, the northern boundary of that colony- 
was extended to the mouth of the Yazous, in about thirty- 
two degrees twenty ei^jht minutes north latitude, and 
thence due east to the Apalachicola. Each of these co- 
lonies had a governor, appointed by the crown, and a le- 
gislature chosen by the people ; their laws approached as 
near as circumstances would permit, to the laws of Eng- 
land. These arrangements continued till the conquest of 
West Florida by the Spaniards in the time of our revolu- 
tion. At the peace of IT'S 3, Great Britain relinquished 
to the crown of Spain, both the Floridas without anv spe- 
cific boundaries, and on the same day ceded to the United 
States ail the territory to the north of the thirty first de- 
gree ; so that Spain had at least a plausible claim to all 
the territory below the Yazous river ; and hence a founda- 
tion was laid for a dispute between us and that power, 
whiclvwas ultimately adjusted by treaty. 

That the reader may become the better acquainted with 
the country we have undertaken to notice, a rapid geogra- 
phical sketch of the two Floridas will be given ; after 



114 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

■vvhich the several kinds of land, and the nature of the- 
climate, will come under consideration. 

Tlie Floridas are bounded north, partly on the thirty 
first degree, and partly on the southern boundary of Geor- 
gia ; east on the Atlantic ; south on the gulf; and west on 
the Mississippi. We have no accurate data for their length 
or breadth : The former, exclusive of the peninsula, and 
fallowing the sinuosities of the coast, may be estimated 
at about eight hundred miles ; the latter will probably 
average from seventy to eighty miles. The peninsula is nar- 
row, and stretches in a southern direction about four hun- 
dred miles into the gulf ; the extremity of which is within 
one hundred miles of Cuba. 

West Florida, as designated by Great Britain, is situ- 
ated between the Apalachicola and the Mississippi, and 
contains about four hundred miles of sea coast. To ac- 
commodate the different settlements, formed mostly on 
the opposite extremities of this tract, the Spanish govern^ 
ment divided it into two districts. Pearl river forms 
the boundary between them. That on the east retains the 
name of Florida ; that on the west, extending to the 
Mississippi, is called New Feliciana. This district is 
mostly populated from the United States. It contains a 
few French, mostly planted at Baton Rouge ; as likewise 
some English and Scotch, who came out under the Bri- 
tish government. The number of souls may be esti mated 
at about twelve thousand. The inhabitants are mostly situa- 
ted on, or in the neighbourhood of the Mississippi. They 
formerly cultivated indigo, and pursued the lumber trade j 
but these articles are now nearly abandoned, and the plan- 
ters have turned their attention to the culture of cotton. 

The lands in this district are i^nquestionabiy the most 
valuable, in an agricultural point of view, of any^in the 
two Floridas. They are generally elevated, excf pt near 
the coast, and yield large crops of cotton. In fine, all the 
productions common to the Mississippi teiTitory and lower 



OF THE FLORIDAS. II5 

Louisiana, except sugar, are cultivated here with success. 
The district is watered by the river Amit, which falls in- 
to the Ibberville, and by Thoaipson's creek, and Bayou 
Sara, which join the Mississippi, and are navigable some 
distance into the country. A variety of creeks and bayous 
of less note are formed along the coast, which will serve 
to facilitate the exportation of produce as soon as the 
lands about them become settled. 

The capital of New Feliciana is Baton Rouge, situated 
on the east bank of the Mississippi, and about fifteen 
miles above the Ibberville. On ascending from New Or- 
leans, the first high grounds commence at this place. The 
general elevation of them is from twenty five to thirty 
feet above the highest floods; and they alternately recedf^ 
from the Mississippi, and approach that river, forming 
occasional indentations of swamp, till intersected by the 
thirty first degree. The inhabitants of Baton Rouge are 
mostly French. " They formed a settlement here as early 
as 1722. The fort is in a ruinous condition. The officer 
who commands it, has the title of governor, and admini- 
sters the Spanish laws in the district. 

Pearl river annually inundates large tracts of land, 
particularly near its confluence with the gulf. It heads 
in the high grounds near the Chickasaw country, and may 
be made navigable for at least one hundred and fifty miles. 
The country on the west side of it along the coast, is ge- 
nerally low, and covered with swamps, or pine barrens, 
except were it is watered by creeks and bayous. On each 
side of these are found some oak bottoms, which are dry 
part of the year, and considered as fertile. A few indi- 
gent settlers are scattered here and there along the coast. 
They raise some corn and cattle, and manufacture lime 
from a species of clam shell, found in such immense 
banks as to justify the expectation, that this article will 
not be exhausted for many years to come. They like- 
M'ise manufacture considerable quantities of pitch and tar. 



IIQ SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

These articles are transported about thirty miles atto:.'. 
lake Pontchartraine to New Orleans, and from thence no 
smal! pnrt of them find their way to the Hxvanna and Lt^ 
Vera Cruz. The growth on the more elevated grounds 
near the lake, is pine ; and this kind of wood more or 
iess covi-rs the ridgc-s for some distance into the interior. 

From Pearl river to the Apalachicola the lands on the coast 
sre similar to those just noticed, except that they are of a 
more spungy nature, and a greater proportion of them 
{jovered with water. The high grouads are sandy, and 
covered v/sth pine. The low grounds, which embrace 
much the largest district of country, are either occasion- 
ally covered with water, or composed of swamps and 
marshes, and most of the year impassible by man or 
beast. These extend along the coast, and up the rivers 
and other water courses some distance into the interior. 
The scattered tracts of high ground, capable of cultiva- 
tion, are so isolated among the swamps as to be render- 
ed inaccessible, except by water, This immense coast, 
if we except Mobile and Pensacola, contains not much 
more than one hundred families. They are mostly plan- 
ted along the bays of St. Louis and Nev/ Baloxi, at the 
mouth of the Pascagola, and some other water courses. 
The whole of that tract to the eastward of Pensacola, may 
be considered as an uninhabited wilderness. 

The tract under consideration is watered by a number 
of rivers ; such as the Pascagola, the Mobile and its nu-. 
merous branches, the Escambia, and other streams fal- 
ling into the bay of Pensacola, the Apalachicola and its 
several branches, and a variety of smaller streams, which 
intersect the low country in almost every direction. Some 
of the^se rivers head, in the back part of Georgia, and 
others in Tennessee, They are of infinite importance to 
our settlers above the line of demarcation, and this im- 
portance daily increases with the increase of population. 
The duties exacted by the Spaniards on our import'^ and 



OF THE FLORIDAS. H;- 

exports, arc severely felt. They serve to check the pros- 
perity of the interior country, to irritate the minds of the 
settlers, and to paralyze the hand of industry. 

The free navigation of the Mobile river is of great con- 
sequence. Some of the branches of this river rise in 
Tennessee, and one of them interlocks with the waters of 
thelennessee river. Indeed, the navigable waters of these 
two rivers approach within nine miles of each other. The 
Mobile affords a boat navigation of three hundred and fif- 
ty miles ; and coasting vessels may ascend above the line 
of demarcation, to fort Stoddert, about which we have 
some extensive and wealthy settlements. Just below this 
line, the river is sepaijft»d into two or three channels, 
forming in its progres«everal large islands, one of which 
is about thirty miles long, and eight miles broad, yielding 
large crops of cotton, and calculated for the culture of 
rice. The city of Mobile, as it is called by way of emi- 
nence, stands on the western channel, about thirty miles 
from the gulf, and in thirty degrees forty minutes north 
latitude. It was founded by the French in 1'702 ; at 
which time Isle Dauphin, situated near the mouth of the 
harbor, became the seat of government for Louisiana, 
where it remained till it was removed to New Orleans in 
1722. The city now contains about seventy or eighty 
houses only; some of them exhibit the appearance of 
wealth. The inhabitants are a mixture of French, Scotch, 
and Irish. Near the lower end of the city stands a regu- 
lar fortress of brick, erected, or rather repaired, by, the 
British government ; the area of which is of considera- 
ble extent, containing a spacious square of barracks for 
the accommodation of troops. The trade has much decli- 
ned, and the little that remains is almost wholly engros- 
sed by an English firm. The city is surrounded by 
si^'amps, and intermittents are prevalent during the lust of 
sumpier, and the beginning of autumn.. 



11« SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

The town of Pensaeola, at present the capital of the 
i^^Ioridas, was fbunded by the Spaniards in 1606, and in- 
tended by them to frustrate the settlement of the French 
in Louisiana. It is situated on the gulf of Mexico, at 
the head of a delightful bay or bason, formed by the Es- 
cambia and some other rivers, about sixty miles to the 
eastward of the city of Mobile, and in thirty degrees 
twenty five minutes, north latitude. It stands at the foot 
of gale hills, extending about one mile along the beach of the 
bay, in the form of a crescent and nearly surrounded by two 
rivulets of fresh water. In 1772, the town contained about 
one hundred and eighty habitations ; but since the Spani- 
ards conquered it from the Etvg4ish in 1781, it has gra- 
dually declined. In 1794, the poPulation did not ex>.eed 
four hundred, exclusive of the military, and retainers of 
the government. Many of the houses and public struc- 
tures were formerly spacious and elegant ; but some of 
them already exhibit the appearance of decay. This place 
is plentifully supplied with shell and other fish, and the 
climate about it is deemed healthful. The oar at the en- 
trance of the harbor has no more than four fathoms of 
water over it. A fortification placed on Rise's island, 
and another on the main opposite to it, would effectually 
prevent the entrance of armed vessels into the bay, and 
of course defend the town from maritime attacks. 

The country about Pensaeola is barren, mostly compo« 
3sd of sand hills ; it will not even admit the growth of 
garden vegetables, except where vegetable mould is col- 
lected, and mixtd with the sand. The same may be said 
of the lands about the mouth of the Mobile and the Per- 
dido. The lands, however in the rear of these plates, 
and at some distance from them, yield all the necessaries, 
and some of the conveniences and luxuries of life. The 
country is particularly adapted to the raising of cattle, and 
vast droves of th^jm are scattered over it. 



OF THE FLOllIDAS. Hj 

iSt. Augustine is situated on the Atlantic coast in about 
thirty degrees, or, as some make it, twentv nine degrees 
lorty minutes north latitude, and almost surrounded by 
Avater. It is of an oblong figure, intersected by four 
streets, which cut each other at right angles. It is enclo- 
sed with a ditch, and strongly fonitied. In addition to a 
formidable bastion, it is defended by a castle, called fort St. 
John, and all the works are well supplied with ordnance. It 
has a church and monastery of the order of its name. 

This town anciently contained nine hundred hoivses, and 
nearly four thousand inhabitants. In 1772, it was reduc- 
ed to three hundred houses, and one thousand inhabitants: 
But the apparent stability of the Spanish government since 
1783, has been of great advantage to it ; symptoms of its 
ancient opulence and splendor begin to be manifested. 
The English, while it v/as in their possession, erected a 
government house with materials procured in Xew York, 
as likewise spacious burracks for the use of the militarv, 
calculated to accommodate five regiments of men. 

The site of St. Augustine is extremely pleasant and 
healthful, and the inhabitants are abundandy supplied with 
fresh water. They genendly live to a good old age, and 
are seldom attacked by dangerous diseases. j!tlultitudes 
of invalids from the islands rendcEvous here, and no doubt 
St. Augustine will soon attract the notice of our gouty va- 
letuc'inarians in the north. There is some good land a- 
bout the town, which is liighly cultivated. The swamps 
and lagoons are too remote from the population to prove 
injurious. Fish of all kinds are found here in plenty. 
Ihe harbor is penetrated by two channels, occasioned 
by breakers, and the bars of each aflord no more than 
eight feet of water. 

At what time the country about St. Augustine was first 
settled, is not certainl) known; but it has experienced 
many vicissitudes from war, and often changed masters. 
It was attacked and destroyed by the French protestants 



120 SKETCHES OV LOUISIANA. 

as early as 1562; who, in their turn, experienced a simi- 
lar fate three years afterwards. The French obtained pos- 
session of it again in 1567, when they annihilated the Spa- 
nish settlements, and then hastily retired never more to re- 
turn. The Spaniards first planted themselves at the mouth 
of St. Nicholas* creek ; but they soon discovered a more eli- 
gible position, to which they removed, and founded St. Au- 
gustine. From some inscriptions remaining on the houses, 
it appears that they were built in 1571. This town was 
attacked bv the English in 1586, under sir Francis Drake, 
v/hen the Spaniards fled, leaving fourteen cannon behind 
them, as also their military chest, containmgtwo thousand 
pounds in specie. In 1665, it was plundered by captain 
Davis at the head of the buckaneers. At this period the 
town was defended by a regular octagonal fort, with a 
tower bastion at each angle. It was again attacked in 
1702, by the English and Indians under governor Moore 
of Carolina, who destroyed some farms and small vil- 
lages ; but after a siege of three months he was obliged 
to make the best of his wa}' over land to the English set- 
tlements. In 1740, general Oglethorpe, with a small 
fleet, together with the militia of Carolina and Georgia, 
and a body of Cherokee Indians, attacked and bombard- 
ed the town and castle ; but his exertions to reduce the 
place proved inefllectual. Another attempt was made on it 
during the American revolution ; but without success. If 
this place be well defended, it will be no easy matter to 
gain possession of it. 

As the Floridas have often changed masters, some va- 
riety in the population may be expected. The Spaniards 
were the first to make permanent settlements in them. 
The peace of 1763, put them in possession of Gieat Bri- 
tain, when a number of English, Scotch, and Irish, were 
incorporated with the ancient inhabitants. They also re- 
ceived an accession during the A nerican revolution, when 
many of those disaiTected to our cause, obtained refuge 



OP THE FLORIDAS. 121 

In the Floridas ; and the proximity of our settlenient3 
has prompted many of our citizens since that ptriod to 
become Spanish subjects. 

One remarkable fact relative to the population of the 
floridas must not escape notice. While these were in 
possession of the English, a plan was concerted to entice 
a colony of Greeks into the country. Sir William Dun- 
can and doctor TurnbuU were at the bottom of this trans- 
action. The country was represented to the Greeks in 
the most favorable light; they were promised fertile fields 
and lands in abundance, and also transportation and sub- 
sistence. Hence fifteen hundred souls were delud-rd from 
the islands in Greece and Italy, and landed in East Flo- 
rida. They were planted at a place called New Smyrna, 
situated about seventy miles to the southward of St. Au- 
gustine. But what was th*. ir surprise when, inst ad of 
cultivated fields, they were ushered into a desolate wil- 
derness, v/ithowt the means of support ! What mortified 
them still more was, that some of them were tantalized 
with the use of rented lands for ten years, at the expira- 
tion of which they reverted again to the original proprie- 
tors, uhrn the poor settlers were once more reduced to 
poverty and misery. Some of them indeed could not ob- 
tain land on any terms. Hence they were obliged to la- 
bor for the planters in the character of slaves, and to ex- 
perience hunger and nakedness. Overseers were placed 
over them, and whenever the usual task was not complet- 
ed, they were goaded with the lash. Families were not 
allowed to live separate from each other ; but a number 
of them were crouded together in one mess, and condem- 
ned to promiscuous repose. The poor wretches were not 
even aUov/ed to procure fish for theinsclvcs, although the 
sea at their feet was full of them. People were forbidden 
to furnish them with victuals ; severe punishments were 
decreed ag.unst those who gave, and those who received 
the charitable boon. Under this treatment many of them 

H 



1 J J SKivrciiKs OF i.onsi.vw. 

(lied, csptcially tlu- old people. At length in 1709, seiz- 
ed \vitli despair and sensible ot" no other altern.itive than 
fscapt- or death, they rose on their cruel tyrants, and 
made themselves masters of some small vessels. But 
their di signs were frustrated by the prompt exertions of 
the military ; and this revolt eloseil with the deaths ot 
five of the unhappy ringleaders. 

This transaction is so contrary to the reputed humani- 
t\ of the English nation, that it rt quires some credulity to 
believe the solemn report of a British olHcer, who was an 
e\e witness to whit we h.we related. 

Various tither seiilenunts are formed along the gulf 
and Ailantic coast, and on their numerous rivers, parti- 
eularlx to the north of the twenty eij>hth degree. The 
inhabitants have tither fixed tlu n\selves contiguous to navi- 
gation, or resorted to ihericli boUoms, which bound some 
of the water courses. 

Ivist Florida has but few large rivers. The St. Mary's 
and Apalachicola wash the northern and southern extremi- 
ties of it. The St John's, which falls into the bay of A- 
palache, is nearl\ two hundred miles long, and presents 
an casv cominunieatu>n wii^h St. Augustine. Indian river 
stn tches alcmg the peninsula in a longitudinal direction, 
anil may prove useful at some future period. Numerous 
stjvams of less note penetrate the shorts of the coast, af- 
fording a boat navigation from twenty to thirty miles, 
and will c^ne dav bear to the ocean the opulence ot the 
back coimtry. 

In the two Floridas are to be founil a variety of soils ; 
some equal to any in the world ; others inditlerent ; and 
immense tracts exist which are of no value. Those the 
best acquainted with the lanils, usually enumerate seven 
diifereut kiniK>=. 

The tirst is denominated pine barrens, which extend 
over almost the whe.leof the peninsula, and are tVtquently 
found in other pi^rts oi' the country. These lands mosth- 



iw Tiir. ri,(>i{in\s ij.; 

consist of n groy or wliitc suml, or ot a red or ytllow 
gravti. They produce vast (juantitits of ytlhiw and pitcli 
puif, v.'hich are suitable for hoards, timlnr, and various 
otlur articUs. They also produce a variety of shrubs, 
anil a kind (if wire grass, which yield sustenance to an 
immense number of cattle. Intermixed widi the |)iucs 
on the more elcvateil grounds, arc the horse chesnut, and 
several kinds of oak. In wet seasons, these sandv and 
gravelly soils are not altogether useUss in another point 
i»f view ; orchards of peach and mulberry flourish reniark- 
abl\ well ou then). I^'iom three to five feet beneath the 
surface is a stiljclay. Some of these lands are extremely 
riukN-, especiallv near the extremity of the peninsula. 
Ill WiSt Florida this kind of land all'ords many symptoms 
ol iron ore. 

The- stconil is called hummock land, because it rises in 
tufts t)r small mounts among the pines. Most of the up- 
land in the northern farts, remote Irom the sea, is of this 
kind. The soil of it is various; in some places composed 
of white sand ; in others of a mixture of clay and black 
sand ; also a kind of othre, and a stratum of black mould. 
Lands of the latter description are very fruitful, particu- 
larly in cotton, indigo, potatoes, and pulse. 

Tiu- third is called prairie, because it is destitute of 
timber ; and this is of two kinds. The first is to be 
foimd in the pine barrens ; and as it is covered with sand, 
it is unfit for tillage. The second is found on the high 
griunuU, and arc similar to those scattered over many 
parts of the western country, particularly Louisiana. 
Souje of them are of consideralile extent ; their soil is 
luxuriant, mixed with shells, flint, chalk, and marl. 
'I'lu-y produce a wild grass, of which cattle and other 
animals arc extremely fond. 

The swamps, as distinguished from marshes, compose 
the fourth knul. These are divided into river and inland 
swamps. The latter are the most valuable, because they 



124 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

produce large crops of rice, and in some instances the 
best cotton, corn, and indigo in the country. The grounds 
in them are composed of either clay or sand, and gene- 
rally of both. The soil is prolific, and produces trees, 
particularly cypress of the largest kind. In wet seasons 
they are filled with water. Were they projjerly drained, 
perhaps hemp might be cultivated on them to advantage. 
The natural growth of the river swamps consists of seve- 
ral species of cypress, canes, reeds, withes, vines, bri- 
ars ; and these are so numerous, and so matted together, 
as to be impi^netrable to man or beast. 

The fifth is composed of marshes ; and these are of 
four kinds: Two of them are occasionally covered with 
salt water, and two with fresh water. Some of the for- 
mer are soft, and consist of a very moist clay or mud^ 
and have never been converted to any useful purposes. 
Others again consist of a marly clay, and in dry seasons 
are very hard. These afford pasture for graminivorous 
animals, though the milk and flesh of them imbibe a bad 
taste, and at some seasons cannot be eaten. The fresh 
water marshes are similar to those already described, ex- 
cept that they are not impregnated with saline particles. 
The hard ones, with very little labor, may be rendered 
fit for culture. The soft ones require much more labor, 
but they would be the most productive. They produce 
plenty of wild oats Czizania aquat'icaj of which the Indi- 
ans frequently make bread. 

The sixth is drnominrted galls ; and these are of two 
kinds. Tile first are called bay galls, and are properly 
water courses, covered with a spungy earth, and mixed 
and bound with vegetable fibres. They tremble like a jelly 
for a considerable distance about the spot impressed; like 
quicksands they gradually absorb whatever be placed on 
then). Cattle, horses, and other animals, are often swal- 
lowed, and it is frequently dangerous to attempt a passage 
over them. They produce a stately t^ee, called the lob- 



OF THE FLORIDAS. 125 

lolly bay, and a variety of vines, briars, thorny ^vjthes, 
and on their margins a species of summer cane. When 
drained they produce rice, and are sometimes used for 
pasture grounds. The stcond are called cypress galls, 
the soil of which is mosdy composed of sand. They 
produce a kind of swamp cypress, as also plenty of wild 
grass. All these galls contain a species of very white 
clay, which is manufactured into utensils of various kinds. 
They also contain great quantities of nitrous and bitumin- 
ous earths, fossils, marls, boles, magnetic and other iron 
ore ; as likewise lead, coal, chalk, freestone, chr^st-ils, and 
white topazes. Ambergris, and natural pitch, or asphaltos^ 
are found among these galls. 

The seventh is composed of the more elevated grounds, 
commonly called uplands, which extend along the heads 
of some of the water courses, near the line of demarca- 
tion. Thev are generally covered with large trees of d»f- 
ferent species, similiar to those in Georgia and the Mis- 
sissippi territory. 

Part of the natural growth of the country has al- 
ready been noticed. It produces no less than eight 
kinds of oak, one of which is the live oak; plenty of 
white and black walnut, hickory, chesnut ; three kinds 
of mulberry ; four kinds of the magnolia ; orange and fig 
trees, peccon, persimmon, and sycamore ; as also a vast 
variety of plums, and odicr indigenous fruit, several 
kinds of which are delicious. 

No part of the world can bnast of finer esculent plants. 
Flora and Pomona are liberal ia their gifts. The pro- 
ducts of the torrid and temperate zones are cultivated 
with success, particularly in the peninsula. 

West Florida, as already hinted, exhibits the greatest 
fertility. Wheat grows here, as also barley, oats, corn, 
peas, buckwheat, rye, and rice ; these flourish best along 
the water courses. All the different soils are adapted to 
some kmds of grass. Apple trees are common ; but the 



126 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

peach and pear trees yield the most abundautly. The 
country produces plenty of indigo, flax and tobacco ; but 
cotton is now the staple commodity. Oranges and olives 
are cultivated with success. St. John's river, and some 
of the lakes, art* festooned witji orange groves. The an- 
nona, limi , and mahoe, are indigenous, as also many me- 
di' inal plants. Various articles, usually denominate d na- 
val stores, are produced here ; such as hemp, pitch, tar, 
turpentine, and shipping timber. The lumber trade has 
flourished in this quarter for nearly a centurv. Vast 
quantities of fish are cured on the coast, suitable for the 
West India markets ; such as the drum, carp, pampanos, 
soles, sea trout, the roes of the mullet and bl ick drum. 
Bees are plentious in the western and southern parts of 
the United States, the Floridas, and Louisiana, and they 
usually precede the whites in their progress into the in- 
terior. 

The water, as to taste and quality, is various. Salt, 
brackish, nitrous, and sulphureous springs, are scattered 
about the country ; as also salt and fresh lakes, lagoons, 
and rivers. Springs of a fresh and pure quality abound 
in the more elevated parts of the country, and contribute 
to the convenience and health of the inhabitants. 

The climate in the Floridas is more changeable than 
that in the eastern and middle states, but much less on 
the extremes. The heavy winds, charged with moisture, 
from the coast of Labrador and Nova Scotia, which rage 
with violence in New England, are rendered less trouble- 
some as they approach the borders of East Florida ; and 
the thick forests over which they pass in their way to 
West Florida, in a great measure deprive them of their 
humidity and cold. 

In the peninsula the climate is deemed remarkably 
pleasant ; it is more temperate on the west than on the 
east side of it. On the east side the trade winds prevail, 
and cool the air in summer ; but on the west side the air 



OF THE FLORIDAS. 127 

13 Vf frigerated by the breezes iVom the Apalachean moun- 
tains, which are still more agreeably temperate. The 
most serene weather is to the south ot the twenty seventh 
degree, where frosts seldom make their appt-arance. Here 
the products of the more northern climates mix with those 
of the tropics. During the summer, heavy gales of wind 
beat against the east side of the peninsula. The west 
side is subject to dreadful squalls, and hardly, a day pas- 
ses without one or more of them, especially if the wind 
be from between the south east and south-south west ; but 
they are genen.lly of short duration. Thunder and lightning 
are less frequent and vioknt here than in Georgia and the 
Carolinas. 

The climate in AVest Florida, with one or two exceptions, 
is similar to that just mentioned. Frostsare frequent, and of 
such severity as to kill Iruit and vegetables. At the close 
of winter in this quarter, the winds are mostly at west, 
and north west. In the spring, and the early part of au- 
tumn, they are usually nt east. Just before and after the 
autumnal equinox, storms and hurricanes are conimon a- 
long the gulf ; they sometimes extend a considerable dis' 
tance up the Mississippi, though their violence abates as 
they recede from the coast. These tempests swell the ri- 
vers, and cover the low hmds with water. Here the 
south, and south west winds occasion damp weather, per- 
haps because they traverse the gulf. The south east and 
north east winds are cool and dry, perhaps because they 
sweep over extensive forests and sandy plains. The 
winds between north and west are still more salubrious. 
The mercury in Farenheit seldom falls below thirty de- 
grees, and seldom rises higher than ninety four degrees 
in the shade. 

The extremes of the climate are somewhat greater in 
the Mississippi territory. It has been observed that, of 
late years in this quarter, the summers have been warm- 
er, and the winters colder, than formerly. Orange trees. 



128 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

and other tender exotics were once cultivated here to 
some advantage ; but, for some years past, they have 
suffered from the frosts. In former years the mercury 
never fell below twenty six degrees; latterly it has sunk 
to seventeen, and in December 1800, to twelve degrees. 
In winter the north west winds are cold and dry. East 
winds, for the most part, either produce riiin, or create 
considerable humidity in the air. The north east and 
south east winds are also charged with vapors. The north 
winds usually produce sleet and snow. The southerly 
winds begin to prevail in February, when the spring com- 
mences. During the summer they are generally from the 
south east and south west ; yet they are frequently known 
to follow the course of the sun, blowing from the north 
east in the morning, and dying away at south west in the 
evening. About eight or nine o'clock at night the cool 
zephyrs from the west and north west begin to rise, and 
brace the human system, rather too much relaxed by the 
heats of the day. These heats begin to be oppressive in 
Ma}', and continue till about the last of August ; and du- 
ring this time the mercury vibrates between ninety and 
ninety six degrees in the shade. From about the middle 
of September to about the twentieth of November, the 
weather is excellent, the mercury varying between sixty 
five and seventy degrees, and the winds blowing from 
every point of the compass, attended with frequent show- 
ers of rain. The winter commences the last of Novem- 
ber, when the mornings and evenings begin to be cold, 
and sometimes frosty. The frost first appears in the val- 
leys along the rivers and streams, and a difference of ten 
degrees is frequently known to exist between the atmos- 
phere of these and that on the high grounds, at the dis- 
tance of three miles only. At this season of the year the 
weaiher is changeable, and perhaps in no part of the world 
is the human frame more susceptible of it. It is apt to 
produce pluretic and other inflammatory diseases. Bilious 



OF THE ri,ORinAS. 120 

fevers sometimes make their appearance, and intermit- 
tents are endeniical. No great quantity of snow falls in 
this country, though seldom a winter passes without 
some. 

Hence we perceive that the climate in the Mississippi 
territory is materially different from that of West Flori- 
tla, though about a degree only to the north of it ; and 
that some of the winds in the two places, blowing from 
the same points, produce opposite and contrary effects. 
This problem is well worthy of investigation. 

The prevalent v./inds in East Florida are nearly similar 
to those in West Florida, though their effects are rather 
different. The gales from the east and north east are 
more severely felt, while those from the opposite points 
make much less impression. The air is clear and pure ; 
heavy dews fall at night ; fogs arc seldom seen, except on 
St. John's river. The spring and autumn are dry, though 
the temperature of the latter is variable. The winter 
commences about the last of November, with wet and 
windy weather. From October to June the climate is ge- 
nerally excellent. The months of July, August, and 
September, are extremely hot and uncomfortable ; but the 
temperature is less variable here than in Georgia, and 
frosts are much more rare. After storms, attended with 
thunder and lightning, the wind generally veers to the 
the west, and is very welcome to all ; particularly to those 
whose bodies are exhausted by the heats. 

From the first of July to the middle of October, fevers 
are prevalent in both the Floridas. They are usually pre- 
ceded by heavy rains, and sultry weather. Those of 
plethoric habits, and sanguine constitutions, are the most 
liable to be attacked. Inflammatory fevers of domestic 
origin are rarely experienced. The yellow fever occasi- 
onally makes its appearance ; but it has always been tra- 
ced to the islands, particularly to the llavanna. Intermit- 
s 



130 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

tents are endemical, and often prove tedious ; but they 
comroonly yield to the prescriptions of skilful physicians. 

It has already been hinted, that the transitions in the 
temperature of the weather were much less on the ex- 
tremes in the Floridas than in the eastern states. This 
circumstance is particularly favorable to health along the 
the gulf, where the heat is considerable, and where sud- 
den transitions in the temperature of the atmosphere 
would generate dangerous diseases. If men in this quar- 
ter avoid intemperate excesses, fatigues, and the violence 
of the heats, no great danger is to be apprehended^ 

Bi^fore we conclude, it seems necessary to observe, 
that the English, when they took possession of the Flori- 
das, endeavoured to infuse an agricultural spirit into the 
minds of the people. They were forward to set the ex- 
ample, and commenced improvements in the culture of 
such articles as were of commercial importance, particu- 
larly rice and cotton. In a very few years the face of the 
Floridas was changed ; and had they remained much lon- 
ger in the country, agriculture and population would have 
arrived at their maximum. They found the Spaniards 
without agriculture, and without energy of character suf- 
ficient to stimulate them to it. They awakened them 
from the slumliers of more than two centuries, and sur- 
prised them with the advantag s of manual industry, pro- 
perly directed ; yet these renovated beings, on the depar- 
ture of the English, resumed their ancient habits, and 
supk again into inaction ; in which they still remain in all 
the pride of pov^rrty, and overwhelmed in the pleasures 
of a negative existence I 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER ni. 



EXTENT AND BOUNDARIES OF LOUISIANA.* 



THE discovery of the Mississippi by Ferdinand de 
Soto in 1541, was never considered by Spain as authoriz- 
ing a claim to any part of the country about it. The sub- 
sequent discoveries and settlements of the French were 
ultimately acquiesced in by that power. 

Among civilized nations the right derived from disco- 
very is as conclusive and indisputable at that derived 
from purchase, particularly if it be succeeded by posses- 
sion. We shall soon discover the extent of the claims of 
France in Louisiana, and distinguish those of a legitimate 
from those of a doubtful nature. 



* A paper on this s\ibject was pi'Wisliccl by the nuthor m (he A.irora 
in Octo!)er 1806, which is introduced in liiis chaplei', though with 
many additions and alterations, made in 1809. 



132 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

By the treaty of Su Idelfonso, dated the first of Octo- 
ber 1800, Spain " promises and engages on h *r part, to 
" retroccde to the French republic, six months after the 
*' full and entire execution of the conditions and stipula- 
*' tions therein contained relative to the duke of Parma, 
*' the colony or province of Louisiana, with the same 
*' extent that it actually has in the hands of S/)ai?i, that it 
" had when France possessed it^ and such as it should be 
** after the treati(-:s subsequently entered into between 
*' Spain and other states." This clause was confirmed 
and enforced by a sabsequent treaty, between the same 
powers, made at Madrid, March the twenty first IdOl; 
it also makes a part of the treaty of cession of April the 
thirtieth, 1803, between the French republic and the Uni- 
ted States, and is particularly referred tcTas descriptive of 
the boundaries of Louisiana. These boundaries under- 
went no alteration in the hands of Spain, except what re- 
sultfd from the provisions of the treaty of 1795, between 
that power and the United States, 

The words " that it actually has in the hands of Spain," 
and " that it had when France possessed it," seem to 
bear on the face of them a considerable degree of diplo- 
matic uncertainty : A cause of dispute appears to be the 
object of both parties ; and each was aware that the strong- 
est would prevail. But the meaning undoubtedly was, 
and this corresponds with*" the known rules of constructi- 
on, that the French republic should possess Louisiana in 
Its fullest extent. All the territory between the Missis- 
sippi and the Perdido was included* in Louisiana at the 
time Spain acquired it by the treaty of 1762, and though 
the transfer extinguished the name, it did not obliterate 
■what France possessed ^r'lOY to that period. 

If indeed the boundaries of Louisiana were limitted to 
the territory in the actual possession of France in 1702, 
the question about them would hardly admit of dispute, 
But the terms of the treaty of retrocession in 1800, which 



EXTENT AND BOUNDARIES. 133 

are incorporated in the treaty of cession of 1803, and 
make a part of it, place the dispute on a very different 
ground, and much more in favor of the United States. 
The real question now is, What xvas the extent of Louis- 
iana when France possessed it ? The import of the words 
in the retrocession fairly includes, what she had a right 
to possess, not simply what she actually did possess at 
that period. 

The boundaries of Louisiana may be partly ascertained 
by a reference to the grant made of the commerce of that 
country to Crozat in 1712. This document is the more 
important, as it probably contains the first formal and 
official recognition of some of these boundaries ; and 
such parts of it as serve to illustrate them, will now be 
quoted. 

*' LOUIS (the fourteenth) by the grace of 
" God, king of France and N.ivarre : To all who shall 
" see these presents, greeting. The care we have always 
" hud to procure the welfare and advantageof our subjects, 
" having induced us, notwithstanding the almost continual 
" -wars which we have been engaged to support from the 
*' beginning of our reign, to seek all possible opportuni- 
*' ties of enlarging and extending the trade of our Ame- 
** rican colonies, we did in the year 1683, give our orders 
"•' to undertake a discovery of the countries and lands, 
" which are situated in the northern parts of America be- 
" tween New France (Canada) and New Mexico. And 
" the Sieur de la Salle, to whom we committed that 
*' enterprise, having had success enough to confirm the 
" belief, that a communication might be settled from 
" New France to the gulf of Mexico by means of large 
" riv> rs ; this obliged us immediately after the peace of 
" R\svvic (in 1697) to give orders for the establishing a 
*' colony there, (under Ibberville in 1699) and maintaining 
** a garrison, which has kept and preserved the pos.sessio}i 



134 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

" we had taken in the year 16 33, of the lands^ coasts and 
*' islands which are situated in the gulf ol" Mexico, be- 
** tween Carolina on the east^ and old and netv Mexico 
" on the west. But a new war breaking out in Europe 
*' shortly after, there was no possibility till now of reap- 
" ing from that new colony the advantages that might 
*' have been expected from thence, because the private men 
" who are concerned in the sea trade, W(^re all under en- 
" gagements with th- other colonies, which they have 
*' been obliged to follow : And whereas upon the inforni- 
*' ation we have received concerning the disposition and 
" situation of the said countries known, at present bij 
" the name of the province of Louisiana, we are ot opinion, 
•' that there may be establishtid therein a considerable 
*' commerce, so much the more advantageous to our king- 
*' dom in that there has been hitherto a necessity of fetch- 
" ing from foreigners the greatest part of the commodi- 
" ties which may be brought from thence, and because in 
*' exchange thereof we need carry thither nothing but the 
*' commodities of the growth and manufacture of our 
" own kingdom ; we have resolved to grant the com- 
" merce of the country of L luisiana, to the Sieur A itho- 
" ny Crozat, our counsellor, secretary of the household, 
*' crown and revenue, to whom we entrust the execution 
*' of this project. We are the more readily inclined there- 
" to, because his zeal, and the singular knowledge he has 
" acquired in maritime commerce, encourage us to hope 
" for as good success as he has hitherto had in the divers 
*' and sundry enterprises he has gone upon, and which 
" has procured to our kingdom great quantities of gold 
*' and silver in such conjunctures as have rendered them 
" very welcome to us. For these reasons, being desir- 
" ous to shew our favor to him, and to regulate the con- 
" ditions upon which we mean to grant him the said cosn- 
" merce, after having deliberated the affair in our coun- 
" cil, of our own certain knowledge, full power, and 



EXTENT AND BOUNDARIES. I35 

" royal authority, we by these presents, signed by our 
" hand, have appointed, and do appoint, the said Sieur 
" Crnzat to carry on a trade in all the lands possessed by 
" us, and bounded by Neiv Mexico, and by the English 
" ot Carolina, all the establishments, ports, havens, rivers, 
" and particularly the port and haven of Isle Dauphin, 
" heretofore called Massacre ; the river St. Louis, here- 
" tofore called Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as 
'"''far as the Illinois; together with the river St. Philip, 
" heretofore call«;d the Missouris, and St. Gerome, here- 
" tofore called Ovabathe, (the Ohio) with all the coun- 
" tries, territories, lakes within land, and the rivers which 
''''fall directhj or indirectly into that part of the river St, 
" Louis. Our pleasure is, that all the aforesaid lands* 
" countries, streams, rivers, and islands, be and remain 
" comprized under the name of the government of Lou- 
" isiana." 

Now this is the solemn declaration of Lewis the four- 
teenth, as to the extent of some of his claims in Louisia- 
na ; and we shall soon find how far they derive support 
from discovety, possession, and settlement. 

The commerce of Crozut extended as far as the Il- 
linois. This expression had no reference to the river of 
that name, but to the country in general, on b(jth sides of 
the Alississippi, above the mouth of the Ohio; which, 
under tht French ard Spanish governments, was deno- 
niinattcl the cowitry of the Illinois, and this denomination 
appt..rcd 111 all UKir records ujd other official acts. Thus 
letters, deeds, and other instruments, bore date at Kas- 
kaski.; of the Illinois, St. Louis of the Illinois, St. Charles 
ol the Illinois; not simply to signify the villages where 
sitch documents were respectively executed, but more 
p nicularl) to denote the country in which those villages 
are situated. Ifence the commerce of Crozat, by the 
terms of the patent, extended to the utmost limit of LdCi- 



136 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

isiana in that quarter ; which, by the treaty of Utretcht 
in 1713, was fixed at the forty ninth degree. At this 
period the French had no competitors on the upper 
Mississippi ; and therefore the Ilhnois river could not be 
intended as the northern boundary of Louisiana. 

No doubt the commerce of Crozat was extended to the 
lands of the English of Carolina in consequence of the 
settlements made by the French about St. Augustine in 
1562 ; and this is the more likely, as they always watch- 
ed for an opportunity of reviving and prosecuting their 
ancient claims. These settlements, at the end of five 
years from their commencement, fell into the hands of 
the Spaniards, and no serious attempts were ever made 
by the French to recover them. 

On the east side of the Mississippi, the Rio Perdido 
formed the boundary line between the Fn^nch and Spani- 
ards ; and that the French had a legitimate claim to all 
the country between these two rivers, and actually pos- 
sessed ity the following facts will aiford sufficient proof. 

They explored the country about the mouth of the 
Mississippi in 1683, at which time the Spaniards had no 
settlements nearer to that place than Si. Augustine. In 
1699, Ibbervilie, ihe first ro) al governor of Louisiana, 
planted a colony at the mouth of the Rio Perdido, 
where he built a fort, and mounted twelve pieces of 
cannon. In the year 1702, part oi the colonists, together 
with the seat of government, were removed to Isle Dau- 
phin, situated at the entrance of the Mobile. About 
the same period, settlements were farmed up that I'i- 
ver, and along the gulf to the westward ; from none of 
which were the French ever expelled. Isle D.mphin 
was the seat of goveniment f;r about twenty years; and 
when it was removed to New Orleans, a garrisot) remain- 
ed to protect the settlers on the coast and rivers, who 
were governed by the French authorities till the treaty of 
1763 was carried into effect. 



EXTENT AXD BOUNDATIIES. I37 

The first discoveries of the French about the mouth of 
the Mississippi, excited the fears of the Spaniards, and 
they conceived it good policy to erect some barriers a- 
gninst those whom they considered as intruders. For this 
purpose they founded Pensacola in 1696, three years be- 
fore the arrival of Ibherville. The entrance of the har- 
bor t> this place, is about twelve miles to the eastward 
ot the Pcrdido, and Pensacola is about sixty miles nearly 
in the same direction from Mobile, An appearance of 
harmony existed between the French and Spaniards for 
some years : Yet their proximity gradually created mu- 
tual jealousies and fears; and during the war of 1719, 
Pensacola changed masters three times, and was at last 
reduced to a heap of ruins by the French. The truce of 
1722, restored it to the Spaniards; and from this period 
the Perdido was considered by both of them as the boun- 
dary line; it was acquiesced in by both; the laws of 
Spain operated on one side, and those of France on the 
other. 

It is a circumstance of no small weight, that the Spa- 
niards were never in possession of any part of the terri- 
tory between the Mississippi and Pcrdido till they con- 
quered it from England during the time of the American 
revolution. The actual possession of this tract by the 
French for about seventy years, seems to fix the national 
boundary, just mentioned, on such a solid basis as not 
now to be called in question. These facts may be ad- 
duced as unanswerable arguments against any modern 
pretensions of Spain to a more extended claim. Several 
treaties were made subsequent to Crozat's grant in 1712, 
and the peace of 1722, and in none of them are the rights 
of France impaired. 

It is therefore difficult to comprehend the ground of the 
assertion, that no part of West Florida is included in the 
cession. If the original discovery and settlement of it by 
the Frencli, the name of Louisiana given to it by them 

T 



138 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA. 

the recognition of it by the French monarchs, the estab- 
lishment of a colonial government, and the admmistrati- 
on of laws, the possession of it for about seventy years, 
and the acquiescence of Spain during the last half of that 
period, are not sufficient to vest an indisputable title in 
France, the territorial rights of nations are extremely- 
precarious. The claims of Spain to West Florida, are 
\yithout a precedent to sanction them ; and they bid defi- 
ance to all those principles, which usually govern the con- 
duct of civilized nations. She refoceded the country 
with the same extent it had when France possessed it. 
This stipulation effttctually precludes every argument a- 
gainst the rights of France, drawn from the conquest of 
West Florida during the American revolution; because 
thtrse rights, though extinguished for a time, existed an- 
tecedentiy to the conquest ; the conquest enabled Spain to 
restore them ; and she actually did restore them under 
the solemn sanction of a treaty. 

It will be proper in this place to notice, in a cursory 
manner, the several treaties, which apparently have a 
bearing on the question of title, particularly on that now 
under consideration. Our claims in other quarters must 
be decided on different principles; no treaties appear to 
confirm or to oppose them. 

England, France, and Spain, were parties to the treaty 
of 1763, and all signed it. France by that treaty ceded 
and guaranteed to England, in full right, the river and 
port of Mobile, and every thing she possessed, or ought 
to possc-ss, on the east side of the Mississippi, except the 
island of Orleans. And Spain by the same treaty, ceded 
and guarautecd Florida, with St. Augustine and the bay 
of Pt-nsacola, in full right to England. The island of 
Orleans, -ind the remainder of Louiiiana, was ceded by 
France to Spain the year before. 

Spain therefore admitted the ris^hr of France to the 
Mobile, and to all the country between that river and the 



EXTENT AND BOUNDARIES. I39 

Mississippi. And France admitted the right of Spain 
to Pensacola, and to that part of Florida to the eastward 
of it. 

No part of the country between ]M.)blle and Pensacola 
appears to be included in this treaty. If those tw > powers 
at that period disagreed as to the boundary line betvveen 
their respective possessions, it ought now to be adjusted 
on known and acknowledged principles. Who first dis- 
covered and settled it ? This question has been already 
sufficiently discussed. 

Spain seizes with avidity on the apparently doubtful 
phraseology of the stipulation contained in the treaty of 
St. Idelfonso of 1800. She contends that the word " re- 
trocede" obliges her to restore no morv of Louisiana than 
she actually received from France under the secret treaty 
of ir62 ; and she likewise maintains, that this was the 
true intent and meaning of the parties. This construction 
would be admissible, were it not opp.^sed by other words 
and expressions in the same treaty, and it is a good rule 
to interpret an ambiguous instrument, by a strict compa- 
rison of its several members or clauses, though in such 
a manner as to operate the most strongly against the party 
making the grant. That treaty retrocedes Louisiana with 
the same extent " it achialhj has in the hands of Spaing'* 
and " that it had when Fran> e possessed it.'*'' What 
was the extent of it in 1800 ? Spain was at that time the 
rightful proprietor of AVest Florida, which was anteced- 
ently part of Louisiana, and ceded to England by the 
treaty of 1763; and although this cession extinguished 
the name, there was no subduction of the territory ; it 
still remains identically and substantially the same, and is 
at this time possessed by Spain. AVhat was the extent of 
Lou!- ana when bVance possessed it? This question as it 
respects "West Florida has been already answered. If there 
be any ambiguity in the retrocession, it will doubtless be 



140 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



amply Investigated by the constituted auihoiilies of thc- 
union. 

The boundaries of Louisiana to the westward of Red 
river are much less defined, and euvelopLd in more ob- 
scurity ; yet ^^e are not wholly destitute of lijijhtb on the 
subject, and an attempt will be made to place them in a 
proper point of view. 

It is a fundamental maxim of Spain, " that the national 
" domain lands are those, not only in the actual tiijoymi^'nt 
*' of the nation, but also those on xvhich the tiatioii has a 
" right to re-enter ;^ or, in oth«_r words, a nation is never 
ousted of its rights by lapse of time, and a claim one® 
good is never extinguished, except by regular transfer, or 
the imperious results of war. Qn this principle the ques- 
tion of title, between France and Spain, to the country 
on the west side of Red river, must be decided. To form 
a correct decision, priority of discovery and settlement 
must be stated and considered ; and to illustrate these 
facts, it will be necessary to recur to such traits in the 
early history of Louisiana, as appear to bear on the points 
under discussion. 

The right of discovery, to be perfect, must be fol- 
lowed by acts of sovereignty ; and settlement is one of 
those acts. Perhaps, according to the latter part of this 
definition, the rights of France and Spain to the coun- 
try on the west side of Red river, were imperfect for 
many years, and nearly of equal validity ; therefore the 
imperfect right of discovery, must necessarily decide the 
qj'Stion, 

The French under M. de la Salle, landed, built a fort, 
and formed a settlement in 1685, on the west side of the 
bay of St. Bernard, and at the same time took possession 
of the cpuntry with the usual formalities : Tli.y explored 
it to the westward, and more particularly to the north- 
ward, of that place r ^Vhat they did was sufficient to vest 



li.VTENT AND IJOUNDAKIES. 141 

a complete title in France, unless Spain had acquired a 
prior one.* The eventual destruction of the BVcnch by 
the Indians did not weaken the claim of Louis the four, 
teenih ; and accordingly, we find that, in his patent to 
Crozat, he exprtssly extends the boundaries of Louisiana 
to old and iwxu Mexico on the west. The fact is, that 
old and new Mexico never included any part of the coun- 
try to the eastward of the rio Bravo; and certain it is, 
that the Spaniards in the days of Crozat had not approach- 
ed that river; their nearest settlement to it was about 
one hundred and fifty miles to the westward of it. This 
was undoubtedly known to the French monarch: His ob- 
ject was to embrace the discoveries made by M. de la 
Salle ; and the boundaries he prescribed were grounded 
on the rights usually admitted as valid among civilized 
nations, particularly where there is no prior discover^■. 

The first time the Spaniards appeared on the west bank 
of the rio Bravo was in 1714, where they built a fortress 
called St. John Baptist; and so anxious were they to ob- 
literate the title of the French, that they created a pro- 
vince without inhabitants on the east side of that river 
and called it Texas. 

The news of this proceeding soon reached the capital 
at Isle Dauphin. M. de la Motte, the governor of Lou- 
isiana, to prevent any encroachments of the Spaniards, 
directed M. de St. Dennis, with thirty in.n, to repair to 
Nachitoches on Red river. On his arrival nt that place, 
not til dmg or hearing of any Spaniards, he advanced over- 
land with part of his detachment to the rio Bravo, on the 

• Baron Humboldt asserts, on what aiithoiUy is not known, that M. 
de la S.tlk, on disembarking' in tlie bay of St. Bernard, found Spani 
ards at that time amonijthe Indians, whom he endeavored to combat 
ButFatlier Anastasius, wno accompanied M. de la Salle from Prance 
to the bay of St. Bernard, where he resided more than two years, makes 
no menti6n of this fact in his journal ; and his silence on a subject of 
this naUire, may be adduced as almost conchisivc evidence of the er 

ir, into which the learned baron has been led. 



142 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

west bank of which he found a mission of Franciscans, 
and the Spanish presidio^ or out post already mentioned. 

To maintain possession of the country, and to secure 
the friendship of the Indians, the French immediately 
erected a garrison on the Sabine, about one hundred and 
fifty miles north west of Nachitoches, which was never 
troubled by the Spaniards. They likewise at the same 
time planted themselves among a nation of Indians, cal- 
led the Assinais, situated about thirty miles to the west- 
ward of the present village of Nacogdoches, or about 
one hundred and forty miles to the westward of Ilcd river, 
where they erected a fort. The perfidious deceit practi- 
sed by the Spaniards in in?, to expel the French from 
this place, and to secure it for themselves, has been de- 
tailed in the historical part of this work ; from which no 
just title can be deduced by Spain. The French never ac- 
quiesced in this wrong ; and their weakness at that and 
subsequent periods, alone prevented a successlul reclama- 
tion of their rights. A fraudul-nt possession, obtained 
in time of peace, and in violation ol mutual agreements, 
can never be converted into a just one, and be iegitimat' 
ed among sovereign states. 

It is particularly worthy of remark, that the Spaniards 
never appeared on the east side of the rio Br.»vo, till 
they were conducted to the Assinais by M. de St. Dennis, 
as has been re'/ated in another place. This event enabled 
them to disperse small missions (generally attended by 
two or more soldiers) among the Indian tribes, situated 
between that river and Nacogdoches. In the year 1720^ 
they formed an establishment at the Adaize, about fifteen 
miles to the westward of Nachitoches, from which they 
were more than once driven by the French. 

I'he numerous difficulties experienced by the French, 
did not discourage them. In 171'), M. de la Harp as- 
cended llefl river with a bods of troops, and built a gar- 
rison among the Caddo^ues, in aoout thirty three degrees 



EXTENT AXI) HOUNDAHIES. 143 

fifty five mimitts north latitude, and about four hundred 
milfs above Nachitoches. This t-stablibhment was main- 
tnini'd, tven without interruption, till Louisiana passed 
into the hands of the Spaniards. M. l^cranger at the 
same time attertipted to form a settlement in the bay of 
St. Bernard, where he erected a small garrison in twenty 
seven degrees forty five minutes north latitude, and three- 
hundred and ninety miles to the westward of the mouth 
of th-' Mississippi, which was eventually destroyed by the 
Indians. M. de la Harp made a similar attempt in 1721, 
and with no better success. 

These are some of the most material facts, on which 
rests the question of title to the country on the west side 
of Red river. It appears, that the French, more than 
thirty years before the arrival of the Spaniards in this 
quarter, formed a settlement, and built a garrison, on the 
sea coast; that, antecedently to such arrival, they explor- 
ed the inland country, and took possession of it with the u- 
sual formalities, and made three establishments in the very 
heart of it ; one at Nachitoches, a second near the source 
of the Sabine, a third at the Assanais ; and soon after- 
wards, another high up on Red river. These facts 
must be admitted by the Spaniards ; and all they have to 
oppose to them is, the continued possession of the country 
(acquired in the manner already stated) between the rio 
Bravo and Nachitoches, subticquently to the year 1717; 
during which time the French maintained their garrisons 
and settlements on the Sabine and Red river. If priori- 
ty of discovery, followed by partial settlement, and other 
acts of sovereignty, such as making treaties with the In- 
dian tribes, furnish a legitimate claim, the title of the 
French is not susceptible of much dispute : They were 
not deprived of their rights by the results of war, but by 
premeditated fraud ; and they can v/ith justice appeal to 
the Spanish maxim, that the iiational domain lands are those 
on zi)hkh the nation has a right to rc-cn(rr. 



144 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

It will be necessary to notice two other points, though 
of minor importance, because they have excited some 
dispute. The Spaniards contend that the rio Hondo is 
the utmost western Umit of Louisiana ; and that the 
Bayou Pierre was never within the jurisdiction of the 
French. 

It is highly probable that the Spanish and French com- 
mandants at the Adaize and Nachitoches, agreed on the 
rio Hondo as the temporary boundary between them, and 
that the troops of both were restrained from passing it. 
This was merely intended to prevent those accidents, 
which often occur when the troops of different nations 
(between whom no permanent friendship exists) are suf- 
fered to visit the garrisons of each other. The rio Hon- 
do is nothing more than a deep gully or ravine, over 
which passes the road leading to the S ibine, about five 
miles to the westward of Nachitoches. For some distance 
both above and below the road, it is generally dry, except 
in wet seasons, w'hen it receives the water from the cir- 
cumjacent hills, and conveys it into a small lake, which 
communicates with Red river, about two miles below 
Nachitoches. This gully or ravine heads in the hills near 
the road; and the whole distance from its source to where 
it joins Hid river, -does not exceed eight miles. It would 
be preposterou" to suppose, that this diminutive object 
forms the boundary line between two extensive provin- 
ces or empires. B-sides, the temporary stipulation of 
two subalterns v/as incap^ible of binding either nation ; 
and even during the existence of this stipulation, the 
French maintained their garrisons on Red river and the 
Sabine. 

The Spaniards are still more unfortunate in their claims 
to Bayou Pit-n-e. The geo raphical position of this place 
d( Sf-rves particular notice, because it is little understdd. 
Just below the great ratt, a portion of the water of Rd 
river breaks over its right bank, forming a considerable 



EXTENT AND BOUNDARIES. 145 

branch, which meanders through the country till it joins 
that river again about ten miles above Nachitoches. 
The Bayou Pierre flows into this branch about sixtv miles 
above the junction just mentioned. T'he Yattassee Indi- 
ans formerly lived in this quarter, and they were visited 
by Biainville in 1700. The French formed settlements 
here as early as the year 1730; and they owed their ori- 
gin to M. Verge, who established a trading house on Yat- 
tasee point, under an exclusive privilege granted him by 
the governor of Louisiana, and who for many years mo- 
nopolized the trade of the neighbouring Indians. The 
inhabitants are not numerous, but they are wholly of 
French descent. All their land titles of a date prior to 
the accession of the Spanish authorities in 1769, were de- 
rived from the successive governors of Louisiana. 

It is a fact now well known, that a warm dispute took 
place at New Orleans between the French and Spanish 
commissioners relative to the boundaries of Louisiana. 
The former contended that the rio Bravo was the western 
limit ; while the latter declared himself bound by his in- 
structions, which restricted him to the delivery of the 
country on the east side of the Sabinjc. During this dis- 
pute it was ascertained that Louisiana was ceded to the 
United States, when all arrangements between them ceas- 
ed of course. It is worthy of remark, that the Sabine 
is known in geography by two other names, Mexicana, 
and Adaize ; and that it is universally said to be a river 
of Ijouisiana. 

Considerable light is thrown on the subject of bouncfa- 
ries by the Spanish and l^^rench maps. 

In the year 1799, the gulf of Mexico was accurately sur- 
veyed, and a chart made of it, by the order of the king 
of Spain. This chart embraces the whole sea coast be- 
tween the eighteenth degree of north Lititude, and the ri- 
ver St. Mary's in Georgia, as also twelve degrees of lon- 
gitude ; together with all the soundings and islands. It 



J 46 SIvtlTClJKS OF LOUISIAXA. 

is applicable to our present ]mrpose in one particular only; 
it stems to represent the Subine as the western limit of 
Louisiana. 

Du Pratz resided in J^ouisiana from 1718 to 1734, da- 
ring which time he held an office under the crown. In 
1758, he published a large work, embracing the civil and 
natural history of that country, and accompanied it with 
a map. An epitonie of it w;.s soon afterwards translated 
from the French, and published in England. This map 
includes the whole of what we call West Florida, and 
likewise the whole of the gulf westward to the mouth of 
the rio Bravo, which is laid down by the Spaniards in 
twenty five degrees fifty three minutes north latitude, and 
by the English in twenty six degrees eight minutes north 
latitude ; the line then extends up the easterly or left bank 
of that river, to a remarkable bend in it, in about twenty 
nine degrees twenty five minutes north latitude, near to 
which IS the southern extremity of the Mexican moun- 
tains; It here leaves the river, diverges a little to the 
right, and runs along to the north west, on the summit of 
these mouniains, till it terminates in the forty sixth degree 
of north latitude. It must not be forgotten that the Color- 
ado, Trinity, Red river, Arkansas, Kansas, Piatte, and some 
other large rivers, have their sources in these mountains. 

All the French, and even some of the Sp:mish geogra- 
phers, delineate the same boundaries to the west. In the 
atlas published in 17J3, by the Prussian royal academy 
of sciences, the same boundaries are represented. 

P. rt of the claim of the French, as mentioned in the 
patent to Crozat, extended to " all tlie countries, territo- 
" ries, lakes within land, and the rivers, which fall direct- 
" /i/, or indirectly'^ into the Mississippi. Little need be- 
said on this pointi, as the Spaniards seem not much dis- 
posed to extend their claims to the eastward of any part 
of KlJ river, or the Mexican mountaiite; nor indeed do 
they appear very anxious to j ossess any part of the coun- 



F.VrnXT AND DOUXDAlllES. 14^ 

try to the eastward of the Sabine. The French for more 
than eighty years almost exclusively possessed the navi- 
(>^ation of all the western branches of the Mississippi and 
Missouri, and ascended many of ih^cn to their sources; 
made permanent establishments and granted lands ou 
some, and exercised a civil and military jurisdiction on 
all. The Spaniards never even alteinpted to molest them 
on any of these rivers, except in one instance in 1720, 
when they perished by the hands of the savages. Hence 
the probality is strong, that they considered the Mexican 
mountains, or the sources of the rivers in them, as the 
western limit of Louisiana; and one fact, among a multi- 
tude of others, may be adduced in support of this idea. 

While Louisiana was in the hands of France, some of 
the French traders from the upper jMississippi, transport-* 
ed a quantity of merchandise, by way of the Arkansas, 
to the Mexican mountains, where they erected a temno- 
rary store, and opened a trade with the Indians, and like- 
wise with the Spaniards of north Mexico. The Spanish 
traders at or near S.nta Fe, deeming this an infringement 
of their privileged rights, procured the imprisonment of 
the Mississippi adventurers, and the seizure of their ef- 
fects; and demanded putiishment and confiscation. The 
cause was ultimately decided at the Ilavanna. The pri- 
soners were liberated, and their property restored, on the 
ground, that the store in question (situated on the east 
side of the summit of the mountains, and below the 
source of the Arkansas) was within the boundaries of 
Louisiana. One of tht persoris concerned in this trans- 
action is now living, from whom were obtained the seve- 
ral circumstances attending it. 

No doubt there are other f.>ets, known to some, expla^ 
natory of the western limits of Louisiana. Those of the 
most importance, which the industry of the author has 
enabled him to obtain, are now detailed,, and the deduc- 
tion they afford will be left to the sagacity of thy reader. 



148 SlvV/rCIIKS OF LOUISIANA. 

It ma}' be proper, however, to repeat here, what has been 
before suggested, that the imperfect right of discovery, 
is, in all cases, paramount to that of a fraudulent possessi- 
on. If such discovery be followed by settlement, or o- 
ther act of sovereignty, the right btcomes absolute, and 
cannot be extinguished, except by conquest, a regular 
transfer, or voluntary aliandonment. 

If the claims of France are sufficiently supported, Lou- 
isiana bounds thus : South on tbe gulf of Mexico ; west, 
partly on the rio Bravo, and partly on the Mexican moun- 
tains; north and north west, partly on the shining moun- 
tains, and partly on Canada ; east on the Mississippi from 
its source to the thirty first degree; thence extending east 
on the line of demarcation to the i"io Pcrdido; thence 
down that river to the gulf of Mexico. 

The boundaries of Louisiana to the north and north 
west, are not defined. To what point they will ultimate- 
ly be sustained from the source of ihe Mississippi, seems 
to admit of doubt. If the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, or 
the more recent one of 1763, or even both, be assumed 
as the basis of d.*cision, numerous difficulties will present 
themselves. The discoveries and settlements of a more 
recent date can have no bearing on the question. Till the 
conclusion of the latter treaty, the French were in posses- 
sion of both Canada and Louisiana ; and these provinces 
were wrested from them at the same time. As their dis- 
coveries and trade at that day were limited to the great 
lakes, and to ihe source of the Mississippi, on the one 
hand ; and on the other to the Mandans on the i^Iissouri, 
there seems to be an extensive territory calculated to ex- 
cite conflicting claims. At any rate, it is presumed, that 
no part of the country washed by either of those rivers, 
or by their tributary streams, will ever be relinquished by 
the United States. 

As these boundaries are undefined, it will be difficult 
to estimate the quantity of land in Louisiana with anv 



EXTENT AND J50L NDAKIES. 149 

degree of accuracy. If however, we assume as a datum, 
a line drawn from the source of the Mississippi in forty 
Sfven degrees, forty two minutes and forty seconds, north 
latitude, to where the Missouri leaves the shining moun- 
tains in nearly the same latitude, we may form some rea- 
sonable conjectures on the subject. From this extreme 
point, to the mouth of the Mississippi, on a straight line 
is two thousand and five miles. The breadth is less cer- 
tain. The abbe Raynal calculates it at six hundred miles. 
But the distance from St. Louis on the Mississippi to the 
summit of the Mexican mountains, has been determined bj- 
pretty accurate observation, to be about six hundred and fif- 
ty two miles, and this is believed to be nearly the average 
breadth of Louisiana. If these data be correct, the bounda- 
ries we have described, embrace one million, three hundred 
and seven thousand, two hundred and sixty square miles; 
or eight hundred thirty six millions, six hundred forty 
six thousand, four hundred acres ! This estimate may 
stagger the belief of some ; but if they will take the trou- 
ble to examine the geographical features of Louisiana, and 
to reflect on the great length of its numerous rivers, their 
doubts on the subject will vanish. 

Before we conclude, it may be of use to remarlc, that 
the shining mountains, and Mexican mountains, tliough 
often confounded, are in a great measure distinct. The 
former are the Andt- s of South America. The latter com- 
mence some distance to the northward of the gulf, and 
near to the left bank of the rio Bravo, and extend in a 
north westerly direction, a little to the eastward of Santa 
Fe, till they intersect the former. They are probably 
branches or spurs of the shining mountains; and indeed, 
most of the mountains in new Mexico appear to be con- 
nected with that great chain or spine of the vrestern part 
of our continent. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER IV. 



NEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. 



THE French began to build New Orleans in 1720, 
and two years afterwards it became the seat of govern- 
ment. 

This city, the great mart of all the wealth of the western 
world, is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi, a- 
bout one hundred and nine miles (following the meanders 
of the river) from the sea, and in twenty nine degrees, 
fifty seven minutes, twenty seven seconds, north latitude, 
and ninety degrees, seventeen minutes, thirty seven se- 
conds, west longitude. At the time it fell into our hands, 
it contained about one thousand houses, and eight thou- 
sand inhabitants, including blacks and people of color. 



152 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

Six complete squares are embraced by the city. Tiit 
fronts of these are three hundred and nineteen Eng- 
lish feet in length, and extend north, thirty two degrees 
east, and south, thirty two degrees west, and are intersect- 
ed by twelve streets at right angles. Each square is di- 
vided into twelve lots. Five of them measure sixty bs^- 
one hundred and twenty feet. On the opposite side are two 
key lots, which measure sixty by one hundred and fifty 
feet. The streets are thirty seven feet and a half in width. 
On the back part of the city ai-e two narrow rows of build- 
ings, converging to a point. 

The ground plot of the city may be considered as a 
plain, inclining north west two points west. It has a des- 
cent of about six feet from the bank of the river to the 
palisades in the rear of the buildings, and about three feet 
more to St. John's creek at its medium height. The lands 
in all the low country, gradually descend from the river, 
and soon terminate in lakes or swamps. 

Nearly the whole of the old houses are of wood, one 
story high, and make an ordinary appearance. The su- 
burbs on the upper or north end of the city, have been 
built since the fire in 1794, and contain about two hundred 
and fifteen houses, mostly composed of cypress wood, 
and generally covered with shingles or clapboards. A- 
mong them is one elegant brick house covered with tile. 
Several of them are two stories high, and two in the 
same quarter three stories high. One of them cost eigh- 
ty thousand dollars, and the rest from fifteen to twenty 
thousand dollars. They are plasttred on the outside with 
white or colored mortar; this, as frosts are seldom se- 
vere in the climate, lasts many' years; it beautifies the 
buildings, and preserves the bricks, which, from the neg- 
ligence or parsimony of the manufacturers, are usually 
too soft to resist the weather. 

In New Orleans, as in all other parts of the low coun- 
try, the houses have no cellars underground; water is 



IK^AV OKLEAXS .THE DELTA. I33 

generaHy found within two or three feet of the surAice, 
especially in wet seasons. The wells rarely exceed fifteen 
feet in depth. The water in them is clear, free from 
salt, but unpleasant to the taste. 

The fallowing are the public buildings ; the cathedral, 
the town house, the prison, the barracks, the hospital, the 
convent and church, the charity hospital and church, the 
government house and stores, and some others of inferior 
note, which will be cursorily mentioned. 

The cathedral stands at the head of a spacious open 
square, about four hundred feet from the river. This 
building is of brick, extending aijout ninety feet on the 
street, and one hundred and twenty back of it. The roof 
is covered with flat and hollow tile, supported by ten large 
brick columns, which are plastered, and afford an agreea- 
i)le appearance. Kach front corner has a tower consider- 
ably elevated, and the southerly one contains two small 
bells. This church has likewise a small organ, but on 
the whole is much less decorated than other catholic pla- 
ces of worship. It was governed' by a bishop, two ca- 
nons, one grand vicar, one parish priest, and four subor- 
dinate priests. Considerable funds in houses appertain to 
it. The bishop received an annual salary of four thousand 
dollars, charged on the revenues of some southern bishop- 
ric ; the canons about seven hundred and twenty dollars, 
and the other priests al)OUt three hundred and sixty 
dollars each, exclusive ot c-isual benefits arising from 
marriages, burials, and the like. Thtre were likewise a 
few capouchins, and friars of the order of carmclites, 
who were paid by the crown. 

The town house is rather an elegant building, two sto- 
ries high, ancL about ninety feet long, with an arched por- 
tico, both above and below, along its whole front. The 
upper arches are glazed, which adds much to the beauty 
of the structure. The Spaniards occupied one part of 
the ground sSory as a guard house, and permitted a notary 



154. SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

to occupy the the other as an office. The upper story 
was appropriated to the use of the cabildo. 

In the rear of the town house, and' adjoining to it, is 
the prison. Under the Spanish government it was a 
wretched receptacle of vice and misery; like the grave it 
received many tenents, who were soon forgotten by the 
world : Some of them perished with age and disease, and 
others by the hands of assassins. Criminals, under stn- 
tence of death, were often kept immured within its walls 
for years ; owing either to the tardiness or lenity of the 
tribunal at the Havanna, without whose approval no sen- 
tence of death could be carried into execution. 

The public barracks are situated at the lower end of 
the front street. They are accommodated with a spaci- 
ous area, surrounded by a brick wall, as also an extensive 
parade ground between thera and the river. The build- 
ings are of brick, and one story high, covered with shin- 
gles, and calculated to receive about fifteen hundred men. 
They were built by the French, and have a spacious ar- 
cade in front and rear. 

The building denominated the king's hospital, is on the 
same line, but higher up. It was originally intended as a 
receptacle for the sick and diseased belonging to the army 
and navy. It will accommodate about one hundred and 
fifty patients, and affords to the miserable a tolerable 
asylum. 

The convent of the Ursuline nuns is situated on the up- 
per side of the barracks, and beyond the hospital, which 
stands nearer the line of the street. This was likewise built 
by the French: It is of brick, and spacious; covered with 
shingles, and two stories high. An extensive garden is at- 
tached to it, extremely productive of fruit and vegetabiefi. 
It will accommodate about fifty nuns, tmd from sevtnty to 
eighty young females, who resort to it for their edsjcation. 
Attached to the convent is a small house containing ihr :-e 
rooms, divided longitudmaily from each ochtr by double 



JJEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. I55 

gratiiifts about six inches asunder, with apertures about two 
inches square, where strangers may see and converse with 
the nuns and boarders on particular business. Near to the 
main building, and on the street, stands an old school house, 
where the female children of the citizens appear at certain 
fixed hours to be gratuitously instructed in writing, reading, 
and arithmetic. This religious institution is possessed of 
considerable funds. Each nun on taking the final vow, or 
black veil, deposits fifteen hundred dollars, if she be able, 
which becomes part of the common stock, and cannot be 
alienattd. The church belonging to the convent is small, 
and was the gift of a gentleman who died a few years 
ago at New Orleans. He was in early life a notary, and 
by various speculations amassed an immense property, and 
failed at last to leave an unspotted name behind him. He 
likewise built the cathedral church and charity hospital, 
and endeavoured by acts of beneficence near the end of 
his days, to atone for the errors of his youth. 

The charity hospital stands on the westerly or back 
part of the city. Poor Spanish subjects, and sometimes 
strangers, (provided they paid half a dollar per day) were 
admitted into this asylum. Those entirely destitute were 
admitted gratis. They had medicine, sustenance, and 
other aid, afforded them. 

The government house stands on the front street, and 
on the fifth square, reckoning from the upper side, and 
one hundred feet from the river. It is an ancient build- 
ing, erected by the French, and two stories high, with 
galleries or arcades round the whole of it. The lower 
front was formerly occupied by the governmental secre- 
tary, and the clerks of offices. This structure is indif- 
ferent, both as to architecture and convenience. 

On the southwesterly part of the same square were 
the lodges and stables of the regular dragooiis ; vvUich, with 
the garden belongmg to the government house, occupy 
about four fifths of the sqyare. 



156 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

On the corners of the second and third squares, lower 
down, are the public stores, built ol' brick, extending 
about thirty five leet on front street, and about two huPi- 
dred feet ou a cross street They are one story high, and 
were built by the French. 

On the opposite, or southerly side of the stores, is the 
artillery yard, or ordnance depot. 

Opposite to this, on the very bank of the river, is the 
market house, which is usually furnished with beef, pork, 
some iDuIlard and veal; fish of several sorts in abun- 
dance, and cheap; wild ducks and other ganae in season; 
tame turkies, fowls, ducks, and geese ; and vegetables of 
all kinds during the whole year. 

The Spaniards had the advantage of a free school, in 
which boys were instructed in the rudiments of their 
language. The two teachers attached to it were paid bv 
the crown. 

The grand powder magazine of the French and Spani- 
•ards, is situated over against the government house, on 
the opposite side of the river, where a guard %vas always 
stationed, and generally relieved weekly. 

During the administration of the baron Carondelet, be^ 
tween 1/91, and 1796, a ditch was extended round the 
city, of about eighteen feet in width, with ramparts of 
earth, and palisades nearly six feet high along the interior 
or inner side of them. Five large bastions were erected 
at proper distances, and likewise five intervening re- 
doubts. The bastions were regularly constructed. Each 
of them was furnished with a banquette, rampart, para- 
pet, ditch, covered way, and glacis. The curtains v/ere 
wholly formed of palisades, planted at a small distance 
from each other, and therefore not capable of much de- 
fence even against musket balls; they had a banquette 
within, and a ditch and glacis without. A small redoubt 
or ravelin was placed in the center of each bastion ; and 
pll the latter were of sufficient size to admit of sixteen em- 



NEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. I57 

brasurcs, four in each face, three in each flank, and two 
in thi* gorge facing the city. 

These works of defence were badly supplied with ord- 
nance. Few of the bastions were furnished with more 
than four or five pieces of cannon. That on the east or 
lower end of the city, had its full complement ; and the 
covered way was likewise prt-tty well supplied. This ar- 
rangement or distribution of the ordnance was rather sin- 
gular ; it seemed to be mounted on those places the most 
invulnerable, and the least liable to be attacked. An as- 
sault by way of the sea was hardly to be expected, espe- 
cially as the river was well defended eighteen miles be- 
low, and as a fleet wholly unobstructed by land batteries, 
would find it extremely difficult to ascend against the ra- 
pidity of the current. The south west bastion, with a 
counterguard and traverses, and a small redoubt on tht- 
back of the river, constituted the whole defence on the up- 
per side of the city. ^J h'- first was usually supplied with 
ten or twelve, and the second with five pieces of cannon. 
Not more than ten pieces, however, could be brought to 
bear on any body of men descending the river. As soon 
as an enemy landed on the open banks, which was by no 
means difficult, the bastions became totally useless. A 
skilful officer at the head of disciplined troops, in any de- 
gree acquainted with the country, would have experienc- 
ed no great trouble from these works, especially as they 
were mostly defended by raw militia, among whom re- 
gular duty was irksome, and considered as a grievance. 

The inhabitants and others passed in and out of the ci- 
ty by means of four gates. The two next the river were 
the most considerable, and they were situated sixteen 
hundred and twenty yards from each other. The two in 
the rear, or on the back part of the city, were of much 
less note ; one of them was placed on the road leading to 
lake l*ontchartraine : They were defended by a breast 
work of no great strength or utility. All the gates were 



158 SKETCHES OF toUISlANA. 

of wood, formed of palisade* ten or twelve feet long. 
They were shut every night at nine o'clock, and after that 
hour no one was permitted to walk the streets without 
leave from the governor; those who transgressed this re- 
gulation were seized by the guards, and detained till mor- 
ning. House servants, by particular indulgence, were 
sometimes allowed to pass the streets on business for their 
masters or mistresses till eleven o'clock. 

Exclusive of the fire in 1794, already mentioned, New 
Orleans suffered by a prior one in 1788, when about nine 
hundred wooden buildings of all descriptions, mostly old, 
were reduced to ashes. Those built on their ruins have 
contributed to the beauty of the cit\. 

Such in some degree were the features of New Orleans 
at the time it fell into the hands oi the United States. 
Since that period it has been greatly improved; populati- 
on has increased ; new springs are given to commerce, 
property immensely augmented in value; the works re- 
paired and strengthened, and much additional security af- 
forded to the capital of Louisiana. 

The Delta comprehends all the low country between 
the sea and the elevated grounds. It extends on the east 
side of the Mississippi, from the Balize to the neighbour- 
hood of Baton Rouge, and on the west side of. that river 
from the gulf to the Chafalia, which is an outlet ol the 
Mississippi just below the thirtv first degree, and suppos- 
ed to be the old bed of Red river. 

Nothing is more certain than that the Delta has gradu- 
ally risen out of the sea, or rather that it has been form- 
ed by alluvious substances, precipitated by the waters 
from the upper regions. It is calculated that, from 1720, 
to 1800, a period of eighty years, the land has advanced 
fifteen miles into the sea ; and ihtnt are those who assert, 
that it has advanced three miles within the memory of 
middle aged men. The eastern part of New Spain along 
the gulf, exhibits abundant proofs of similar advances ; 



>JEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. I59 

owing, perhaps, to the constant acciimuluion of sand b) 
ihf trade winds, which is driven to the shore by the per- 
petual motion of the waves in that direction. 

It is remarkable, that the banks of the river are much 
more elevated than the circumjacent country. This is oc- 
casioned by a more copious deposition along the margins, 
than at a distance from them. These are thickly covered 
with grass, and a vast variety of ligneous plants, which 
serve to filtrate the waters in their progress to the low 
grounds and swamps, and to retain the greatest proportion 
of the alluvious substances. Hence the lands along the 
the banks to a certain depth, generally from four hundred 
to seven hundred yards are excellent for tillage ; while 
the whole surface in the rear of them, extending to the 
sea, is alternately covered by lakes and impassable 
swamps. 

The waters precipitated over the banks never return in- 
to the same channel. I'hose from the west bank of the 
Mississippi find innumerable passages to the gulf; while 
those from the opposite bank fall into the lakes, which 
may be considered as arms of the sea, and bid fair to be 
reclaimed in time from the ocean. 

That the Dt-lta has been thus reclaimed may be infer- 
red from a variety of circumstances, particularly from 
th>; existence of a vast number of logs and trees at une- 
qual depths under ground, multitudes of which are found 
below the Itvel of the ocean. These are buried m a sub- 
stratum of black earth, and already begin to be decompo- 
sed, and convened into fossil fuel. 

The Mississippi, near its confluence with the sea, is di- 
vided into five branches, and of course has its embouchure 
in the gulf by means of five mouths. These arc deno- 
minated the north east, the east, the south east, the south, 
and south west passes. They are from three to nine 
miles in length, and furnish a suffi'iint depth of water 
lor the largest ships, except on their bars. The east pass 



160 SKlVrcilES OF LOUISIANA. 

called the Balize, has about seventeen feet of water on 
the bar, and is the one usually navigated. The south 
pass was formerly of equal depth, but is now gradually 
filling up. The south west pass has fi'om eleven to twelve 
feet of water. The north east and south east passes are 
traversed only by small craft. On the south side of the 
east pass, about three miles from the bar, is the pilot 
house, and a framed look-out house, about sixty feet 
high, where several men reside. They make use of row 
boats, and seldom venture out to sea, except in good wea- 
ther. All vessels, of whatever tonnage or size, paid a 
pilotage under the Spanish government of twenty dollars. 

About thirty miles above the Balize, bounded on each 
side bv a strip of low marsh, covered with a species of 
reed of considerable height and strength, is the fort of 
Plaquemine, so called from a persimmon grove, which 
formerly covered the ground where the fort now stands. 
Under the Spanish government it was furnished with 
eighteen cannon, some of them of a large calibre, and 
garrisoned by fifty men. A redoubt was erected on the 
opposite side of the river, where ten men were stationed. 
E;uh of these works had a galley attached to it. 

For some distance from the sea, the country is a low 
marsh, and without trees. These begin to make their 
appearance some distance below the fort ; but no plan- 
tations of any consequence exists, till within twenty 
seven miles of New Orleans. Even at that distance be- 
low the capital, none of the land, except a strip of a- 
bout four Imndrcd yards in breadth on the river, is fit 
for cultivation. The plantations are usually about one 
mile and a half in length, and laid out at right angles 
with the course of the river ; so that at least five sixth 
parts of c -ch plantation, extend into the cypress swamps. 
Thfse swamps ar<- about six miles in depth, and hound- 
ed in the rear by inundated s^lt marshes, extending to 
the lakes. 



NEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. 161 

Forty two miles above Plaqnemine, is the first saw 
mill. Thirty six of these mills were formerly in opera- 
tion between this place, and sixty miles above New Orle- 
ans. They were put and kept in motion by the waters oi 
the Mississippi, which served them from the first of Fe- 
bruary till about the last of July. Thty were mostly en- 
gaged in sawing boards for sugar cases, which were sent 
to the liavanna. Twelve of these mills ceased to work 
in 1798, when the manufacture of indigo in the Delta 
was almost wholly exchanged for that of sugar. The o- 
ther mills continued to saw boards for home consumption, 
as likewise building timber of various dimensions. Ko 
other wood than white and yellow c^•press, was sawed^ 
and the last was deemed the best for most purposes. 

About fifty one miles from Plaquemine begins the En' 
glish turn, or detour des Angloia. Here the course of the 
river varies from north to west, then to east, then to north 
again, and then to west by south, in a distance of little 
more than seven miles. This place is about eighteen miles 
below IVew Orleans. 

On the east side of the Mississippi, and about twelve 
miles below New Orltanr,, a dry strip of land extends 
from the river m a direction towards the lakes, where it 
terminates at the distance of about twenty miles. This 
tongue of land, called the Tcrrc au Ba'uf, is about a mdd 
in width, and divided in the center by a creek or bayru ; 
and, like the Mississippi, is bounded on each side by cy- 
press swamps. This tract is mostly settled by Spaniards 
from the Canaries, who are poor, and generally cultivate 
the land themselves. They plant the sugar cane, which ih.^y 
sell, or grind on shares at the sugar mills of their more 
opuleijt neighbours; and at the same time raise a variety 
of articles for the market at New Orleans. The soil of 
this tract is excellent ; it affords plenty of timber, and 
contained at the time of the cession about eight hundred 
souls. 



152 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Between this place and New Orleans, there are several 
fine sugar estates. The Delta in 1803, contained eighty 
one of them. The houses of the planters are comforta- 
ble but not elegant. Their plantations front on the river, 
and are from three fourths of a mile to a mile and an 
half in depth. The lands situated on the projections 
formed by the incurvations or inflections of the river, are 
deemed much the most valuable. Some of these planters 
are afflaent, and possess from thirry to sixty slaves. 

But the most wealthy of this class are to be found a- 
bove the city, some of whom before the cession, made 
crops valued from ten to sixteen thousand dollars. Since 
that period the number of slaves has increased ; sugar 
estates are cultivated on a more extensive scale, and the 
number of them greatly multiplied ; so that the annual 
crops of some are now worth from twenty five to thirty 
thousand dollars. As population and industry advance, 
this article of luxury, wealth, and commerce, will be still 
more abundantly cultivated. The sugar cane is not raised 
above the island of Orleans, nor is it believed that the 
climate will admit of it. No sugar estates are found 
more than one hundred miles above the city; but cotton 
is cultivated in all parts of the countrj^ 

South west of the city is another elevated dry strip of 
land, which is deemed highly valuable. 

The road leading from the back part of the city, forks 
two miles from the Mississippi. The one on the right 
runs north east on a tongue of land, about half a mile in 
width, generally known by the name of Chantilly, and 
terminates in marshes and swamps at the distance of ab )Ut 
twenty miles. The one on the left extends about west, 
crosses St. John's creek over a drawbridge, and intersects 
the river road about fifteen miles above the city. 

This creek or bayou, heads in a cypress swamp south 
west of Ntw Orleans ; and, after meandering about six 
miles, in a north by east direction, falls into lake Pont- 



NEAV ORLEANS THE DELTA. 1(^3 

chartraine. The depth of the water in it varies from three 
to nine feet, as it happens to be affected by the winds, and 
the rise and fall of the lake. From the bar to the canal of 
Carondelet, there is usually from nine to ten feet of water. 
This canal rises in a basin directly behind the charity 
hospital, which is sufficiently capacious to accommodate 
several small vessels. It extends in a direct line about 
two miles to St. John's creek, and is about twenty feet 
wide. This is of great advantage to the cit\ , particularly 
as the products of the lake and back country, such as fish, 
lime, tar, pitch, and various other articles, find an easy 
water access to the inhabitants ; whereby a difficult and 
expensive cartage of three miles from the bridge is avoid- 
ed. This canal was partly excavated by condemned cri- 
minals, and partly by laborers hired for the purpose, and 
paid out of a fund raised by subscription among the inha- 
bitants. 

The lakes and fresh water streams supply the market 
with fine sea and other fish. 0\sters and crabs are plen- 
ty. The 3Ilssis3ippi is not remarkable for good fish. 
This part of it, however, furnishes plenty of excellent 
eels, shrimps, and a species of small sturgeon, seldom 
more than three feet long, with a soft shell resembling the 
sea turtle. It produces a kind of fresh water sheep-head, 
and likewise the carp or buffaloe fish, both of which are 
indifferent. The poisson armt^ a kind of gargraws, is an 
inhabitant of this part of the river; it is usually eight or 
nine feet long, and has tremendous teeth and scales ; the 
latter of which resist the sharpest haichet, and have the 
appearance of a concretion of flinty substances. Cat fisha- 
bound in all parts of the Mississippi. Some of them weigh 
one hundred and sevc nty pounds ; though their weight g^e- 
nerally varies from sixty to one hundred and twenty pounds. 
The old wife, or hickory shad, as thty are called, appear m 
the river about the Delta. Alligai is of various sizes are nu- 
merous in all the waters of the low country, particularly in the 



164 S»'ETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

bavous anc! Ibices. They are amphibious, and considered 
as harmless, except when attackt-d or wounded, though 
thev sometimes destroy hogs and other ^mall animals, 
found along the water courses. These, according to Buf- 
fon and other naturalists, are the crocodiles of Egypt, so 
terrible to the ancients, which animated the pens of his- 
torians and poets. Some of those in the Mississippi are 
fifteen feet long. Thc^y frequently ascend that river to 
the Arkansas, (jreat numbers of them are found on the 
lower part of Red river. 

The people who live on the banks of the Mississippi, 
prefer its water to any other. When filtrated, it is trans- 
parent, light, soft, pleasant, and wholesome. Tnis great 
river not only fertilizes the countrj^, but contributes to 
the health of the inhabitants in the warm regions. The 
salubrious quality of its water is attributed in part to the 
nitre and sulphur it contains, and in part to its deep and 
rapid current; and, as it is precipitated from the cold re- 
gions, it tempers the fervid atmosphere on the lower Mis- 
sissippi, and renders it more healthful. 

Such indeed is the depth of that river, and so bold its 
shores, that ships may discharge their cargoes on the 
banks at New Orleans, by means of a stage or bridge, 
supported by two forty feet spars. The depth of the wa- 
ter in the channel, at various places, is noticed in our ac- 
count of that river. The tides have little effect on the 
water at New Orleans ; they sometimes cause it to swell, 
but never to slacken its current. Heavy winds roll in the 
water from the gulf, and cause sudden rises of the river, 
in some instances equal to a spring freshet. The differ- 
ence between the highest and lowest stages of water in 
the Balize, is about three teet ; at the city about twelve 
feet J and this difference increases rapidly above the is- 
land of Orleans. 

In ascending from New Orleans, the country rises gra- 
dually along the banks of the river, especially on the east 



NEW ORLFAXS THE DELTA. 16* 

side of it, though subject to inundation when not bank- 
ed out. What is called the Levee, is a broad bank of 
cunh thrown up to confine the water of the Mississippi 
within its bed, and ever) man is obliged by law to make and 
keep that part of it in repair, which crosses the front of his 
lar.ds. These banks extend on both sides of the river 
from the lowest settlements to point Coupee on one side, 
and to the neighborhood of Baton Rouge on the other, 
except where the country remains unoccupied. Along 
these banks in high freshes the surface of the river is e- 
levaed many feet above that of the adjacent lands, 
and exhibits a curious spectacle to the eye of the travel- 
ler. The great road, extending from the Mississippi 
territory to New Orleans, usually runs on the top of the 
Levee. 

On the east side of the Mississippi, about one hundred 
an<^ twenty miles above New Orleans, is the Ibberville, 
which is one of the outlets of that river during the fresh- 
es, and its waters flow into the lake Maurapas. In the 
season of low water its bed is always dry near the Mis- 
sissippi; but at some distance from that river, it has con- 
siderable water at all times. The river Amit, which 
heads in the Mississippi territory, joins the Ibberville, 
and near its junction stands the village of Galvez, con- 
taining thirty or forty houses. 

On tht^ west side of the Mississippi, from the sea to 
the mouth of Red river, a distance of about three hun- 
dred and fifty miles, the face of the country is similar to 
that just described on the opposite shore, though much 
more thinly inhabited. Not a gentle rise of ground, not 
even a hilloc, is presented to the eye, except a small 
riage or clift, about one mile long, just below the wealthy 
settlement of Point Coupee. All the land of a cultivable 
nature is contained in a narrow strip along the margins of 
the ri'. e:, and its outlets; while the vast territory between 
this sn.p aiid the gulf to the south west, and west, about 



166 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

ninety miles in bren^th, abounds in lakes and marshes, 
and is impassable by man, except along the water com- 
munications. That no more than one twenty seventh part 
of the Delta is susceptible of cultivation, may be deduced 
from pretty accurate data. 

This part of the Mississippi has three outlets from its 
right or west bank, which afford passages for part of its 
superabundant waters, and two of them present a good 
boat navigation. 

On ascending the river the first is called the La Foxirche, 
about eighty one miles above New Orleans. The bed of 
this outlet is about ninety feet in widih, and usually dry- 
in the summer season for a few miles, when the \va- 
. t.r makes its appearance, probably collected from the 
swamps, and gradually deepens . as it rolls towards the 
gulf. 

The second is the Plaquemines^ about thirty one miles still 
higher up the river. It so much resembles the La Fourche 
as to render a particular description of it in this place un- 
necessary. Ii unites with the Chafalia at some distance 
from the Mississippi, and contributes to improve the na- 
vigation from that union to the sea. 

The third is the Chafalia^ about one hundred and twen- 
ty eight miles above the Pla(fiemines, and three miles be- 
low the mouth of Red river. The upper end of this out- 
let is m a bend or curve of the Mississippi, and m the sea- 
son of freshes the water rushes into it with gr;;at force, 
and is apt to carry boats and other craft along with it. 
This is supposed to be the old bed of Red river, particu- 
larly as the materials composing its banks exhibit the 
same color and features, which are entirely dilTerent from 
those exhibited by the banks of any other river in this 
quarter. No doubt the Mississippi once flowed more to 
the eastward. The remains or trices of an old bed on 
the east side of thut river just below fort Adams, and the 
sudden change in the direction of the current irom south 



NEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. 167 

to west, and even to north west, seem to favor the idea, 
that a junction was formed at some former period. The 
jMississippi is known to seek new channels; and there is 
good reason to believe, that it has from time to time va- 
ried its course from one extreme of its valley to the other. 
The channel of the Chafalta^ a few miles only from the 
head of it, is completely obstructed by logs and other ma- 
terials. Were it not for these obstructions, the probabi- 
lity is, that the Mississippi would soon find a much near- 
er way to the gulf than at present; particularly as it ma- 
nifests a constant inclination to vary its course. 

The distances of these outlets from each other, are es- 
timated by the course of the river, which is remarkably 
crooked. The Plaquemines and Chafalia gradually con- 
verge to each other, and finally unite about one hundred 
and fifty miles (following the course of the stream) from 
the upper end of the latter. This united stream finally 
empties itself, by a narrow mouth, into the gulf, about 
ninety miles to the westward of the Balize, and about 
the same distance on a straight line, from the upper end 
of the Chafalia^ but about one hundred and eighty miles, 
following the serpentine progress of this outlet. It must 
be remembered, that we have no correct map of the 
country, and that the Spanish government was entirely 
unacquainted with its geography. 

As the Chafalia is considered of some importance in se- 
veral points of view, we propose to give some further 
account of it in the next chapter. 

The usual water communications between New Orleans, 
and the Atacapas, and Apalousas^ are by means of the 
La Foiirche and Plaquemines The cultivable lands on 
each side of all the outlets, at least for some distance be- 
low their heads, are similar to those on the Mississippi, 
much limited by low grounds and cypress swamps. The 
settlements on the La Fourche extend downwards about 
forty five miles, and comprehend upwards of two hun- 



168 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA, 

dred families, mostly Spaniards, who are by no means in 
affluent circumstances. They cultivate rice, corn, cotton, 
and flax, and also afford to the New Orleans market 
considerable quantities of provisions. The borders of all 
the oudets furnish good ranges for cattle, and swine, and 
multitudes of them are raised without much expense to 
the owners. 

The Delta produces various kinds of excellent fruit ; 
such as sweet and sour oranges, figs in great plenty, some 
lemons, limes, citi'ons, and shaddock ; garden grapes o* 
several kinds ; fox and wild black grapes ; peaches, quin- 
ces, plums, and some good pears; the apples are fit only 
for tarts ; pomegranates and strawberries ; excellent water 
and musk mellons of all kinds in abundance ; wild cher- 
ries, mulberries, blackberries, and dewberries. The coun- 
try to the north of lake Pontchartraine furnishes plenty of 
whortleberries. 

Vegetables of most kinds are likewise common to the 
country ; particularly sweet and Irish potatoes, though 
the latter are indifferent; and fresh seed is required every 
year from the northward ; every kind of peas and beans, 
carrots and parsnips ; the best of lettuce and various o- 
ther salads ; cabbage, spinage, artichokes, the egg fruit, 
red peppers, tomatoes, pepper grass, cucumbers, pump- 
kins of an excellent quality, asparagus, turnips, mush- 
rooms, pastaches, and many other valuable articles. 

In the swamps are found plenty of cypress trees. They 
are tall and m.ajestic, and some of them grow to a large 
size. These swamps produce olive trees, so called, be« 
cause they bear a fruit similar in appearance to the real 
olive. The wood of them is white and beautiful, and 
serves to adorn many articles of cabinet work. On the 
dry or more elevated lands appo-ar the great magnolia ; 
but this tree does not answer the extravagant description 
given of it by Bartram. On the same kind of ground ap- 
pear the ash, three kinds of live oak, the cotton wood. 



NEW ORLKANS TIIE DELTA. 



169 



which is a species of the poplar, the button wood, or syca- 
more, and a tree called utiknoum tvood^ because it has 
no name, nor is it known to what tribe it belongs ; it is 
of considerable size, and bears a small berry, with a 
stone, something like the cherry ; grafts of ptaches and 
plums take on it. Here likewise grow red and shrub 
oaks, hiccory, sassafras, and the peccon tree, the nut of 
which is fine, and detmed by some superior to die shell 
bark and walnut. The elm is found on many plantJitions, 
but it is not indigenous. The wet grounds are gim.- rally 
covered with willows. The persimmon trees are numer- 
ous. They grow to a great size, and their fruit is much 
larger, and deemed better, than that found in any part 
of the Atlantic states. The cucumber tifee' bears an 
elongated green fruit, which much resemliles the garden 
cucumber in appearance. The pawpaw is produced in 
great perfection. Most of the low lands are covered 
with underwood, vines, supple jacks, and cane ; so that 
it is extremt-ly difficult, and in most instances impossible, 
to penetrate them. On some of the highest grounds, a- 
k)ng the water courses, the cane frequently grows to the 
height of thirty five or forty feet. Bears formerly inha- 
bited these impervious recesses ; but population and agri- 
culture have rendered them less numerous. 

The climate on the lower Mississippi has never been 
fairly represented. It may be said with truth to be uni- 
formly the same along the banks cf that river from New 
Madrid to the sea. The inhabitants, who live at and 
near the latter place, as well as below it, situated within 
the vicinity of the swamps, are as sickly as those in the 
Delta, and the same diseases prevail amon>; them. It is 
true, that the atmosphere at New Orleans, and below it, 
is more abundandy charged with vapours ;>nd miasmata, 
than that six degrees more to the north ; but it is equally 
true, that the Delta is always more or less refrigerated 
z 



170 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

bv the sea breezes, which serve to correct the poisonous 
exhalations, and thereby to produce an equality of climate, 
as it respects hcahh, for nearly one thousand miles along 
the Mississippi. This equality is wholly confined to the 
low grounds and swamps ; it is by no means sustained on 
the long chains of elevated grounds in their rear, and be- 
yond their influence. 

The Delta is much more sickly than the native inha- 
bitants are disposed to allow, and by no means so insalu- 
brious as is believed in the Atlantic states. The consti- 
tutions of those born and educated in that country, are 
adapted to the climate ; and the Creoles can hardly con- 
ceive of a portion of the globe more healthful than their 
own, or less pregnant with dangerous diseases. Several per- 
sons more than seventv, and some over eighty years of age, 
are now living in that quarter. Just before the cession, 
three died in New Orleans, neither of whom was less 
than one hundred years old. 

Diseases of the intermittent kind, prevail in all parts 
of the Delta ; and in New Orleans, a highly inflamma- 
tory bilious fever, occasionally makes its appearance. 
Strangers, much more than natives, are apt to fall vic- 
tims to the endemics of the country, particularly the 
boiitmen from the Ohio. Those unaccustomed to the cli- 
mate, and of intemperate habits, exposing themselves to 
the beats and dews, are sure to experience dangerous 
maU.dics. But strangers of contrary habits, who avoid 
fatigues and the excessive heats of summer, seldom com- 
plain of any thing more than a troublesome lassitude and 
debility. It is well known that the best livers enjoy the 
best health ; and that those who subsist on unwholesome 
or unsuitable provisions, and are not suflicieutly shelter- 
ed irom the" extremes of the climate, are candidates for 
a sick bed, if not for the grave. It is a truth con6rm- 
ed by long experience, that more perish from the" Avant 



NEW ORLEANS TIIK DELTA. /►'J 

of medical aid, proper nourishment, and attendance, than 
from the virulent nature of prevalent diseases. 

Strangers who reside in New Orleans, and sometimes 
the native inhabitants of that city, are occasionally attack- 
ed with an inflammatory bilious fever, which has gradu- 
ally obtained the name of yellow ferer. There is no 
proof of its contagious effects : On the contrary it has 
never been communicated to nurses and attendants. Ma- 
ny have died in the highest state of inflammation, and be- 
fore their deaths vomited a substance like coffee grounds; 
their families and friends were in the same room with 
them, and no injury was experienced. 

Perhaps the soldiery of the United States have suffered 
more from the climate on the lower Mississippi than any 
other class, and several reasons may be assigned for this 
excess. The first is, that our garrisons in that quarter 
are situated amid the vapors of the swamps. The se- 
cond is, that their profession is unavoidably productive of 
many evils. They are obliged, in the performance of in- 
dispensable duties, to experience the extremes of heat and 
cold, and the other vicissitudes of the weather ; liable to 
constant privations of comfortable shelter, and often fur- 
nished with provisions, either bad in quality, or not adap- 
ted to the climate. The third is, that our soldiery are 
unfortunately too much addicted to intemperance, and the 
sick among them not always furnished with the shelter, 
and never with the nourishment and other comforts, which 
their situations jn a wirm and humid climate require. 
Recruits, particularly from the middle and east-ro states, 
on their arrival in that country, are usually seized v.ith 
moderate intermittents; which, from want of t.ie aids al- 
ready mentioned, graduallv absume h d;mgeroU3 type, and 
in too many instances teruii.iate in dejth. 

Inhere is a vast ditn'trenc^ between the atmosphere 
along the Mississippi, and that u few miles only from 



J 72 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the swamps. The soldiery who have been stationed 
in the Apalousas, and at Nachitoches, enjoyed excellent 
health ; while those quartered at the Chickasaw bluffs, 
fort Adams, and other places on the banks of the lower 
Mississippi, were severely afflicted with sickness. The 
fatal diseases experic-nced by the troops on the elevated 
grounds at Columbian spring in the summer of 1807, 
were not contracted at that place. These troops were 
quartered the preceeding rainy winter at New Orleans; 
they ascended the river in the early part of summer to 
fort Adams, where they encamped on a low bottom 
in the neighbourhood of the swamps, and necessarily re- 
mained in tents for several werks. Hence their systems 
were gorged with a complication of animal, vegetable, 
and other noxious effluvitt, which predisposed them to 
the attacks of violent disorders. This state of things was 
unavoidabl<"; but it is adduced here as a proof, that men 
exposed for any considerable time to the pestilent regions 
of the swamps, will be subsequently attacked by danger- 
ous diseases. Another proof is this; men detached from 
healthful positions in the summer season, and employed in 
boats for two or three weeks on the Mississippi, are af- 
terwards generally seized with the intermittents of the 
country. In fine, the high grounds on the lower Missis- 
sippi, if not within the influence of the swamps, are pro- 
ductive of nearly as much health among the soldiery and 
others, as is usually enjoyed, under iiKC circunistaaces, in 
any of the Atlantic states. 

If the people in the Delta are annually exposed to fevers, 
they are mostly exempted from some other p>»inful mala- 
dies, which prevail in more salubrious climates. Con- 
sumptions, rheumatisms, and cuiaoeous complaints, are 
ahnost unknown among them ; the gravel and stone in the 
bladder are equally rare. From 1 ;''.■••; to 180.5, two cases 
only of the latter occurred in ISlw Orleans. The people 



NEW ORLEANS THE DELTA I75 

in this quarter retain their sight longer than those in more 
northern regions ; and this is attributed to the scarcity of 
snow among them. 

The Creoles or natives of the country, are sprightly, 
active in a remarkable degree, and gentle in their man- 
ners. The femaUs of New Orleans are handsome both 
in their shapes and features, and possess ease and grace 
in their movements and conversation. The men are de- 
ficient in literature, but display a good share of genius 
and penetration. In the early part of life they attend to 
dancing, riding, and music. 

An alluvial soil cannot be supposed to abound in rock. 
Neither on the island of Orleans, nor along the immense 
flat country on the west side of the Mississippi, below 
the mouth of the Ohio, is even a single pebble to be 
found. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER V. 



OF THE COUNTRY BETWEEN THE MOUTH 
OF THE CHAFALIA AND THE ARKANSAS; 
BETWEEN RED RIVER AND THE RIO 
BRAVO. 

THE distance from the mouth of the Chafalia, on the 
gulf to its outlet near Red river, following its meanders, 
is about one hundred and eighty miles ; and the distance 
from the latter river to the Arkansas is estimated at ra- 
ther more than four hundred miles, according to the 
course of the Mississippi. In this chapter will be includ- 
ed some sketches of the country to the westward of Red 
River and the Chafalia, and to the northward of the gulf. 

It must not be supposed that what is called the Dclt% 
includes all the lands formed by alluvion : On the con- 
trary, these lands extend along almost all the great rivers 
nearly to their sources ; and those occasionally deluged 
by the freshes on the Mississippi, continue to some dis- 



178 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

tance above the mouth of the Ohio. Bat the high- 
er the Mississippi is ascended from its mouth, the 
more elevated are the lands on its banks. Perhaps the 
only reason why the Dilta is usually limited to the Cha- 
falia-on the north and west, is, because the country be- 
low it is n>ore generally flooded than that above it. 

The territory now to be noticed is of great extent, and 
is as little known as any other part of Louisiana. A 
small portion of it only has been explored. The Spani- 
ards have formed some settlements on its borders, and 
they exercise a jurisdiction over a considerable extent of 
country, which we conceive to be embraced by the treaty 
of cession. These circumstances, added to their extreme 
jealousy and caution, and a variety of other obstacles to 
discoverv, serve to ktjep us in a great measure ignorant 
of the south western part of the territory within our 
claims. 

As the Chafalia divides the Delta from what is called 
the elevated country, a more particular description of it, 
than we have hitherto given, will be necessary in this 
place. 

This outlet, on leaving the Mississippi about three 
miles below Rv.d river, is nearly two hundred yards wide ; 
in low water it is about eighteen feet, and in high water 
about thirty three feet in depth. Thirty miles from the 
Mississippi, it is obstructed by a raft of wood, bound to- 
gether by a heterogeneous mixture of ligneous and other 
matter. In the course of twenty miles the uuvigation is 
choaked by ten or tv/elve similar rafts; and it is calcula- 
ted that the aggregate obstruction occasioned by them is 
not less than nine miles. Some of them form good 
^bridges, and are passable at all seasons. Many of them 
are covered with willow trees, and a considerable pro- 
portion of them are ten inches diameter. These rafts 
rise and fJl with the water, and are therefore justly ter- 
med floating bridges. 



CIJArAI-IA TO ARKANSAS, &c, 1?9 

FJtlovv these rafts the Chafalia aflbrds a beautiful sheet 
of water, at least as far down as Cow island, from seven- 
t)^ five, to one hundred and fifty yards wide, and frona 
twenty five to thirty feet deep in the dry seasons. At 
Cow island the stream is divided; one part spreads into a 
large lakej the other part continues its course, and scem3 
to maintain its usual breadth and depth. The current of 
the Chafalia is gentle till it is JTjincd by the Plaquamines 
about one hundred and fifty miles from tiie outlet on the 
Mississippi, where its velocitv is considerably increased. 
ft communicates with lake Natcheji by means of several 
bayous, the largest of which is bajou Long. This bayou 
is connected with lake Flat, (irand river, and Grand lake, 
by means of several bayous, most of which are navigable 
in the season of high water, (jrnnd lake is about forty 
miles long, and from three to ten miles wide, into which 
the Chafalia is emptied by a channel of about two hun- 
dred and fifty yards wide; and a depth of nearly forty 
feet. It then passes jthrough Berwick bay, which is from 
half a mile to tM'o miles wide, and from sixty to eighty 
feet deep; and after a course of about twelve miles, it 
falls into Vermillion bay, which is an arm of the gulf. 
The navigation of the Chafalia is obstructed by a bank of 
oysters, which stretches across it in Vermillion bay, over 
Avnich there is seldom more than eight or nine feet of 
water. The bayou Ter.<ih, which affords a navigable 
communication with tlie settlements in the Atakapas, joins 
the Chafalia near Grand lake. In the season of low wa- 
ter the tide flows to Cow island. 

There is an island of about three miles in circumference, 
filtuatcd in the gulf, a few miles to the westward of the 
mouth of the Chafalia, elevated more than two hundred feet 
above the level of the sea, and connected with the main land 
by a low marsh. Most of the islands along the shores of the 
Mexican gulf, exhibit this proud pre-eminence, while the 
country for a great depth is most of the time covered 
2 A 



180 SKKTCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

with water. Some of them are impregnated v ith sul- 
phur, and one of them has been known to be on fire for 
at least three months. 

The Atakapas and Apalousas are situated on the right 
bank of the Chafalia. The first bounds on the gulf, and 
the second joins it on the north, and spreads between it 
and Red river. These include the oldest and most opu- 
lent settlements in this quarter. Those in the Atakapas 
are generally formed along the Bayou Tersh^ and some 
other bayous of inferior note. The lands near the Cha- 
falia are low and swampy, though some of them abound 
in excellent timber. Most of those along the sea coast 
are also covered with swamps and marshes ; yet small 
tracts are occasionally found sufficiently elevated for cul- 
tivation, and extremely fertile. The interior of the dis- 
trict is diversified by prniries and buyous ; and along the 
latter, to the depth of tv/o or three hundred yards, plenty 
of wood is to be found. The lands suitable for cultivation 
extend in narrow borr'ers along on each side of the bay- 
ous ; the rest is low and boggy, and fit only for the pastu- 
rage of cattle. Such, however, is the number of bayous, 
that the elevated lands are nearly equal in quantity to 
those of a low and spungy nature. The soil is of a luxu- 
riant quality, calculated for the growth of the sugar cane, 
tobacco, cotton, indigo, coin, and rice. Perhaps the lands 
along these bayous are not exceeded in fertility by any 
tracts of the same extent in Louisiana. The country is 
pleasant, and the inhabitants are furnished with plenty of 
fish, oysters, crabs, and wild fowl ; as also v/ith the orange^ 
and all the other fruits, vegetables, and plants, incident to 
the Delta. The climate in this district is nearly similar 
to that of the Delta ; with this advantage, however, that 
it is refreshed by breezes from the sea. In fine, this dis- 
trict is intersected by small navigable streams, and the 
inhabitants communicate with the sea and New Orleans 
with the greatest facility. Vtjssels of sixty or eighty tons 



• CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, Lc 181 

burthen may enter tht- Chafalia by way of the sea, and 
pass Sonne distance up the Tersh. But the most conve- 
nient navigation to New Orleans is by mt-nns of tht lower 
part of the Chafalia^ Plaqnamines, La Fourchc^ and the 
Mississippi. 

The Apalousas is situated to the north of the Atakapas, 
and the best settlements in it are about fifty miles to the 
southwest of the outlet of the Chafalia on the Mississippi. 
The intermediate lands are low and swampy, and covered 
with water during the wet seasons. The lands in this district 
are njuch more elevated than those of the Atakapas ; but 
they are less fertile, and the orange tree, and sugar cane 
appear in less perfection, though they are cultivated to 
advantage. The country is beautiful and pleasant, and 
covered with a variety of extensive prairies. It is inter- 
sected by a number of navigable streams. These are 
bordered with woods, which yield fuel and timber, and 
afford a pleasing variety to the view. This district is le- 
vel, but not fiat j and in the spring of the year, the face 
of the country appears like a boundless meadow, covered 
with immense herds of cattle, flocks of sheep, and gangs 
of horses. This scene is diversified by the houses and 
plantations scattered along the edges of the woods. Cot- 
ton and cattle are at present the staple commodities of 
the district ; but the inhabitants are about to direct their 
attention to the culture of the sugar-cane, which is much 
more profitable. TThis has hitherto been delayed from 
the want of capitals to carry it on. The profits arising 
from crops of sugar, in successful years, are very consi- 
derable ; each good slave will annually earn his master 
from four hundred, to four hundred and fifty dollars. 
But the culture of this article is frequently attended by 
accidents, against which no human prudence can provide. 
Sometimes the fields of sugar-cane are levelled by torna- 
does, or sudden gusts of wind ; at others they are blight- 
ed by early frosts. These accidents are less frequent in 



Jg2 bKETCIirS OF LOLISIANA. *. 

the Atakapas, where tlie country is much lower, and 
where early iVosts arc not common. It has heen ol)ser- 
ved, that sugar-cane does not grow in Kgypt, and iu 
some other eastern countries, to the north ot the twenty- 
ninth degree. In L.^uisiana it flourishes pretty well one 
degree and a half lurther north. When this district was 
fnst settled, indigo was the staple commodity ; but the 
planters gradually turned their attention to cotton. In 
the culture of this article, each slave will earn his master 
from two hundred and fifty to three hundred dollars pn 
annum ; it requires no other capital than land and labour- 
ers, and it is liable to no other accidents than what re- 
sult from the common vicissitudes of the weather. In 
cultivating sugar and cotton, large fortunes have been 
made. Soon alter the American revolution, a great 
number of enterprising adventurers from the United 
States removed into the ^lississippi territory and lower 
Louisiana. At that period most of them were poor; but 
their mdustry soon made them opulent, and a considera- 
ble number of them can at this time boast of an annual 
income of from fifteen to twenty five thousand dollars. 

The lands to the westward of the Chalalia are so si- 
tuated as to enable the planters to pursue several objects 
to aiivantage. In addition to their cotton and sugar-cane, 
they raise vast numbers of catde. This is attended with 
very litde expense, as the prairies are covered with grass 
during the whole of the year. Some persons own several 
thousand head of cattle. It is common for them to milk 
from eighty to one hundred and twenty cows, and to 
mark more than one thousand calves each year. This 
may seem incredible to some, but nothing is more true. 
A" advantageous market for beef, hides, butter, cheese, 
and tallow, always exists in New-Orleans ; and these arti- 
cles ..rt- transported to that city with facility, and without 
{ni4ch expense. It is estimated among the planters, that 



niAFALTA TO AKKANSAN, kc. 183 

tlic stock of a vaccary doubles every four years, and that 
of a cotton plantation every three years. 

At the proper season there are plenty of deer and wild 
turkies in the two districts we have described. They are 
frequently run down by the hunters on horseback, and 
noosed by a cord, which is thrown with astonishing dex- 
terity, even at full speed. 

'J'he natural growth in these districts is similar to what 
we find in the Delta, intermixed with several species of 
trees incident to the elevated country. Near the mouth 
(A' the C'hafalia, numerous clusters of live oak are found. 

The population of these two districts may be estima- 
ted at about three thousand one hundred whites, and 
three thousand slaves. About one thousand two hundred 
and fifty of the former are enrolled in the militia. 

The climate in this quarter is deemed much more 
healthful than in any other part of the low country. A- 
gues and fevers sometimes prevail ; but they seldom as- 
sume a dangerous type : They are usually of short dura- 
lion, and readily yield to medicine, if seasonably admi- 
nistered. Few countries produce more old people in 
proportion to the population, or larger families of chil- 
dren. These two districts are constantly fanned by the 
breezes from the sea : and to these must be attributed 
the prevalence of so much health. They temper the heat 
of the sun, and deprive the vapors, and perhaps the mias- 
mata, occasioned by the bayous and swamps, of their per- 
nicious qualities. The air is remarkably soft, and pleasant 
o the feelings. 

All the country about the gulf is evidendy alluvial. 
At what time it was redeemed from the sea, no one can 
conjecture ; but as some of the oldest inhabitants can re- 
member when the lands were less dry, much oftener 
flooded, and to a much greater extent and height, than at 
present, perhaps its redemption is much nearer to our 
lime than many are willing to allow. At the mouth of 



184 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the Mississippi the land constantly advances into the 
gulf; and there is every reason to believe, that its advan- 
ces are equally rapid at the mouth of the Chafalia, and 
along the shores of the gulf. No doubt the elevated is- 
lands, scattered along the coast, and already in most in- 
stances connected with the main land by marshes, vi^ere 
not long ago situated at some distance in the sea. These 
projections are caus-^d by the deposition of the sediment 
from the rivers, particularly from the Mississippi. The 
gulf of Mexico, though of great extent, is filled with 
shoals and sand banks, especially near the land, which 
render the navigation dangerous ; and the materials of 
which they are composed, have been rolled from the sour- 
ces of the great rivers. 

Red liver joins the Mississippi just below the thirty- 
first degree. It is about five hundred yards broad at its 
mouth ; but it gradualij contracts to about three hundred 
or two hundred and fifty yards as it is ascended. The 
lower part of this river, for about fifty miles, rolls through 
the Mississippi swamps. A short distance below where 
it receives Black river, about twenty seven miles 
from its mouth, it approaches within three miles of the 
Mississippi, and then flows in nearly a parallel direction 
to it, till they unite their waters. The country for thia 
distance exhibits a gloomy prospect ; it presents to the 
eye a world of waters. The author of these sketches as- 
cended Red river in February 1809, at which time, ow- 
ing to the swell ot the Mississippi, the whole country 
was buried about ten feet under water ; and it was then 
about six feet below its usual rise. Only two or three 
elevated spots of ground appeared, where boats were 
able to land, and these were but a few yards in circum- 
ference. The first appearance of any lands not occasion- 
ally flooded is in the neighborhood of the Avoyelles ; and 
even between this place and the rapids, at a distance of 
more than one hundred miles from the Mississippi, most 



CIIAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, kc. 185 

of the country adjacent to one side or the other of Red 
river, is dchiged in the wet seasons. All that vast tract 
below the Avoyelles can never be of any use, except for 
the hickory, ash, and oak, it produces. It is intersected 
by innumerable bayousi and checquered by a vast num- 
ber of lakes, which receive the surplus waters of Red ri- 
ver and the. Mississippi. Some of the former, after me- 
andering through the swamps, unite with the main chan- 
nel again : Others fall into the Chafalia and Mississippi ; 
so that in the season of high water usually from Febru- 
ary till June, boats may pass over a great extent of 
country in every direction, except where obstructed by 
the trees. 

The first settlement in ascending Red river, is at the 
Avoyelles, about sixty miles from the Mississippi. This 
settlement is formed about an extensive prairie, and the 
inhabitants have a ready communication with Red river 
by means of some navigable bayous, which penetrate its 
right bank. The settlers are partly French, and partly 
emigrants from the United States. They seldom culti- 
vate wheat, because they have no mills to grind it. Corn 
and cotton are almost the only articles cultivated by them, 
except garden vegetables. They raise large stocks of 
cattle and swine ; the first range the prairie, and the latter 
the woods, which are filled with oak, hickory, ash, and 
grape vines. They prepare considerable quantities of 
betf and pork for market, which are deemed of a good 
quality. The population of this place may be estimated 
at nbout four hundred and fifty whites, and one hundred 
and fifty slaves. Above the Avoyelles the lands gradu- 
ally rise, and few of them, except near the river, are sub- 
ject to inundation. Some considerable tracts exhibii 
large prairies, with very few trees, and even these few 
are mostly pine. The lands less elevated furnish a vari- 
ety of excellent timber. Above the Avoyelles, and back 



186 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

of the river, the country is of a rolling nature, and Hot 
destitute of good springs. 

The next settlement of consequence is at the rapids, 
about sixty miles still higher up the river. The village 
of Alexandria is situated just below them, and on the 
right bank of Red river, in north latitude, thirty one de- 
grees, twenty minutes. Most of the settlers have planted 
themselves some miles back j and the whole population 
may be computed at about six hundred and forty whites, 
and two hundred slaves. The greatest proportion of this 
part of the country is cultivated by emigrants from the 
United States. The land is of a good quality, and pro- 
duces abundantly. A saw mill has been erected on a 
bayou or stream near the settlements, which has proved 
of great utility to the inhabitants. The lands on the left 
bank of the river are rather broken ; the soil mostly of a 
stiff clav : the timber is of large oak, and hickory, inter- 
mixed with a few pine, thinly scattered over the country, 
which is well watered. This kind of land extends along 
to the north east to the Ocatahola, a distance of about for- 
ty miles. The plantations about the rapids exhibit the 
appearance of wealth. The wood lands and prairies are 
so happily intermixed as to be of the greatest utility to 
the planters, who raise many cattle and swine, and cul- 
tivate such articles as are common to the country. 

The rapids in Red river are formed by two ledges of 
hard indurated clay, or soft rock, which extend across 
the channel at about three-fourths of a mile from each 
other. In low water each of them has a fall, and during 
this season it is dangerous for loaded boats to attempt the 
passage of them. When the waters are high they are not 
perceptible, and the Mississippi frequently flows back to 
them. A good boat channel may be cut over each at a 
small expense. If the legislative authority were to grant a 
suitable toll, no doubt a safe navigation would be made. 



CHAFALIA TO AltKANSAS, fee 1§7 

From the rapids to Nachitoches, a distance of about 
one hundred and ten miles, the settlements are thinly 
scattered along the river, and mostly on the right bank 
of it. Nearly the whole of this tract, especially along the 
%vater courses, is composed of bottom land of the richest 
kind, and well covertd with wood, though in some instan- 
ces for the space of fifteen or twenty miles no settlements 
have been made. These, however, begin to be nume- 
rous and wealthy about thirty miles below Nachitoches, 
and they multiply as that place is approached. One great 
inconvenience is, that the bottom lands suitable for culti- 
vation extend only in narrow borders along the river, 
generally from three hundred to four hundred yards in 
depth, and are bounded in the rear by cypress swamps 
and lakes. These swamps and lakes almost invariably 
extend parallel to the river, and are seldom more thaa 
one or two miles wide. They are bounded on the op- 
posite side by the high lands, which are of a rolling na- 
ture, interspersed with extensive rich prairies, and small 
ridges of pine and other timber ; and the lands of this 
mixed quality extend westward to the Sabine. Many el- 
evated situations occur along the river, and back of it, 
which afford delightful views. From some of them the 
eye may glance over vast natural meadows, thickly stud- 
ded with copses of trees, and adorned with variegated her- 
bage. 

Nachitoches, situated in north latitude, thirty one de- 
grees, forty six minutes, was settled by the French as 
early as 1714, and was once much more considerable than 
at present. It now contains between forty and fifty fa- 
milcs, mostly French. The village was originally built 
on a hill or elevation at some distance from the river; 
but it was abandoned by the Spaniards after they came 
into possession of Louisiana, who caused another to be 
erected on the bottom a short distance higher up on the 
right bank of the river. The inhabitants formerly sub- 
2 B 



188 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

sisted almost wholly by the Iidian trade, and this indu- 
ced them to live contiguous to each other; but as this re- 
source became less profitable and more precarious, they 
gradually turned their attention to agriculture, and resort- 
ed to their plantations. This place experiences some in- 
convenience from the want of good water. The river is 
impregnated with salt and alum, and the water taken 
from the wells is equally unpleasant. The high grounds 
about a mile from the river afford some good springs ; — 
but the inhabitants mostly use rain water collected and 
preserved in cisterns. The bottom lands in this quarter 
are composed of a rich sandy texture, and produce a thick 
growth of wood. The soil on the high grounds is gene- 
rally of a stiif clay ; and though it produces considerable 
pine, it yields good crops of cotton, corn, iind tobacco. 
Perhaps cotton and tobacco are raised on Red river in 
greater perfection than in any other quarter of the union ; 
certain it is, that they command the highest prices in the 
market. It must be confessed, however, that agriculture 
is but little understood among the old si-ttlers of the coun- 
try, and it will probably be some time before they will be- 
come acquainted with the practical duties of agricultura- 
lists. 

The village of Nachitoches will always preserve some 
importance, particularly as it is the usual thoroughfare 
o\ er land from the settlements east of the Mississippi to 
the Mexican dommions. A garrison was always k-r-pt 
here by the French and Spaniards, and the United Slates 
still maintain one at the same place. 

In the neighbourhood oi Nachitoches are several consi- 
derable lakes. The country, indeed, about the lowe: half 
p.vrt of Rtd river, is full of thi-m ; some of ••.hich are 
from thirty to fifty miles in circumference, ruey pro- 
du<.e an abundance of several sorts o' good fish. J\i some 
seasons of the year prodii^ious nninbers of wild fowl re- 
sort to them, purtlcuiariy several kigas of ducks, geese, 



ClIAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, 8;c. 189 

brant, and swan. They invariably communicate with the 
river, and in the season of high freshes rt ceive the surplus 
water precipitated from the upper countr\ , and by these 
means prevent the inundation of vast tracts of low land. 
These lakes uniformly rise and fill with the river. 

From Nachitoches in a north east direction to the Wa- 
shita or Black river, the country swells into gentle hills 
and ridges; it contains a mixture of prairie and wood 
lands, and the natural growth of many considerable tracts 
is pine. The soil is of a good quality, especially on the 
broad bottoms, which extend along the numerous streams. 

The upper settlement on Red river is at a place called 
Compti, about thirty miles above Nachitoches. The 
lands about this settlement are very irregular and bro- 
hen, and much injured by numerous bayous and la- 
goons. 

About eichty miles above this settlement, part of the 
waters of II; d river break through its right bank, and fi- 
nally unite with the main stream again just above Nachi- 
toches. Nearly sixty miles above this union or junction, 
the outlet of Red river just mentioned receives the bayou 
Pierre, on which the French formed some settlements 
about the year 1730. The inhabitiints at this place make 
considerable quantities of butter, cheese, and bacon hams, 
which they usually sell to the people below them on R(td 
river. The lands about bayou Pierre are a mixture of 
prairie and wood, and the soil in general is deemed of a 
good quality. The inhabitants cultivate wheat, corn, cot- 
ton, and tobacco. They are furnished with many ex- 
cellent mil! seats, and plenty of good building stone, an ar- 
ticle seldom found in the country below them. 

Perhaps the number of inhabitants between the rapids 
and the bayou Pierre may amount to about twelve hun- 
dred whites, and to nearly as many slaves. 

At the distance of about one hundred and thirty miles 
above Nachitoches commences what is called the great 



J 90 SKEICIIES OF LOUISIANA. 

raft. The distance from the lower to the upper end of 
it is estimated at forty-five or fifty miles. This obstruc- 
tion is similar to the one in the Chafalia ; and is broken 
and unconnected in many places ; so that in a variety of 
instances, for several miles in extent, a good navigation 
exists : Yet, as the channel is frequently and wholly ob- 
structed by vast collections of logs, and the branches of 
trees, firmly bound together by the alluvious substances 
precipitated from above by the current, no boat can possi- 
bly ascend the river. A passage, however, is found round 
this raft by means of a chain of lakes and bayous, connec- 
ted with each othor; though in some places it is difficult 
to navigate, and the distance is upwards of ninety miles. 
It is said, that there is no better land on Red river than 
©long this raft. 

Red river has never been explored more than about 
two hundred miles above this raft, except by Indian tra- 
ders and hunters. Some of these have explored it to its 
source in the Mexican mountains at no great distance 
from Santa F6. This source appears from the best ac- 
counts to be about one thousand four hundred and fifty 
miles north west of its confluence with the Mississippi. 
It is a remarkable fact, that the nearer the Mexican moun- 
tains are approached, from whatever point, the less wood 
is to be found. Tnis is verified on Red river ; for no 
trees are to be seen, except along the water courses, a- 
bove Boggy creek, which is estimated at six hundred 
miles above Nachitoches, All that immense tract be- 
yond this creek, of about six hundred and fifty miles on 
the river, and extending in an opposite direction from 
near the Spanish settlements about St. Antonio to some 
of the head waters of the jMissouri, is one immense prai- 
rie or natural meadow, except on the bottoms along the 
numerous rivers and streams, which are generally cov^^r- 
cd with a thick growth of timber. The Mexican moun- 
tains, in which nearly all of the great westerly branches 



CHAFALTA TO ARKANSAS, tc. 191 

of the lower Mississippi and Missouri have their sour- 
ces, are also mostly destitute of wood ; but they produce 
a short grass, which attracts to them in summer vast 
herds of wild horses, buffaloe, bears, wolves, elk, deer, 
foxes, wild hogs, antelopes, and a variety of other ani- 
mals. In winter these are driven by the cold, and the 
want of food, to the plains or prairi ;s below ; and the 
number of these animals, as described by hunters, al- 
most exceed the bounds of credibility. The soil in these 
mountains is represented as sandy and steril, and the 
face of the country as extremely broken, covered by ab- 
rupt hills and rocky clifts, and by deep gullies or ra- 
vines formed by the rains. Here rock or mineral salt 
is found, as also mines of silver ; but of what value is 
unknown. 

Between the mountains and the great raft, the lands 
are of various qualities. On Red river, and on some of 
its branches, many of the bottoms are from ten to fifteen 
miles broad, and generally covered with the growth pe- 
culiar to such lands in other parts of Louisiana. The 
soil is considered as luxuriant ; and the grass, particular- 
ly in the prairies, is of an uncommon height. The high- 
er the river is ascended, the more it is confined within 
its banks; and above the great raft, instances of inunda- 
tion are not common, though the soil on all the bottoms 
is evidently alluvial. The high grounds produce good 
wheat ; and this was fully ascertained by the French, 
who formerly settled themselves among the Caddoques. 

The climate on Red river, though not refrigerated b\ 
the sea breezes, is deemed as healthful as that along the 
gulf. This is the more remakable, as the surface of near- 
ly six tenths of the country about the settlements is con- 
stantly covered with water, and the atmosphere loaded 
with vapors, which in other places produce troublesome 
and fatal endemics. Perhaps this general exemption 
from diseases may be traced in part to the dry and san- 



192 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

dy soil of the high grounds, many of which are covered 
with pine, and in part, more especially to the numerous 
salines about the country ; to the brackish nature of the 
water, both in the rivers and lakes, and in the wells and 
springs, and to the saline qualities of the ground. What- 
ever the cause may be, certain it is, that the inhabitants 
on Red river enjoy as much health as is usual in any part 
of the United States ; and the climate, though warm and 
humid in summer, is not productive of diseases even a- 
mong strangers unaccustomed to it. 

Little is known of the vast countrv, situated between 
Red river on the east, the rio Bravo on the west; and the 
gulf of Mexico on the south, except along the road ex- 
tending from Nachitoches to St. Antonio. The whole of 
this tract fronts, or has a regular and gradual descent to 
the south, and its rivers and other streams flow through 
it in an oblique south e<ist direction, and fall into the 
gulf. The road from Nai.hitoches to Nacogdoches runs 
nearly west, and from the latter place to St. Antonio it 
extends about west south west. The north shore of the 
gulf from the mouth of the Mississippi to the head of 
the bay of St. Bernard extends in a west north west di- 
rection ; so that the tract between the road and the sea is 
of uiiequal breidths; much wider at the Sabine than at 
St. Antonio. The road at the former place is about one 
hundred and fifty miles from the gulf, while at the latter 
it is not more than eighty or ninety miles. The average 
width of this tract, situated between the sources of the 
rivers and the gulf, mav be estimated at about four hun- 
dred miles; though some of the rivers from their oblique 
direction as just mentioaed, flow more than seven hun- 
dred miles before they fall into the sea, and afi'ord a boat 
navigation for about three fourths of that dist^uice. 

The Sabine (called in some m;ips the M xicano, and 
in others the Adaizi.-) is about fifty miles to the westward 
of Nachitoches. Most of the lands between these two 



CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, &c. I93 

ploces, particularly along the road, are considerably bro- 
ken, and of an inferior quality. This tract is rather de- 
ficient in good water, and contains more pine than any 
other wood. This river has its source in the extensive 
plains to the north west of Nachitoches. 

From the Sabine to Nacogdoches, a Spanish village, is 
about sixty miles. The lands are thir'" timbered, except 
along the water courses, covered with vast bodies of flint 
stones, and atlbrd many symptoms of rich iron ore. 
This village is situated in an elevated country, in about 
thirty one degrees twenty five minutes north latitude, and 
continually washed on three sides by a beautiful stream 
of pure water : It is badly built, and contains no more 
than thirty or forty indifferent houses, with a chapel; and 
as it is at a distance from any navigable water, it never 
can arrive to much importance. 

The river Trinity, or Trinidad, is about ninety six 
miles to the westward of Nacogdoches, and between them 
arc two or three considerable streams, probably branches 
only of some of the rivers. Perhaps the country about 
the Trinity is better calculated for settlements than any 
other in this quarter. It is pretty well wooded, and a- 
bounds in excellent water. The soil is fertile and the 
climate healthful. This river estimated at three hundred 
and fifty ndlts in length, is navigable for large boats 
in fhe season of high water, and vessels of considerable 
size can enter the moath of it. litre commence the high 
grounds on the gulf, which continue to bound the shore 
to the head of the bay of St. Bernard. On the contrary, 
between the mouih of the Trinity and that of the Missis- 
sippi, the country along the gulf for a considerable depth 
is covered with marshes, in which some of the rivers are 
in a manner lost, and their channels obstructed. The 
Spaniards begin to estimate the importance of the Trini- 
t)- ; for they have piaoned a town on its banks near the 
road, and called it Salscdo, in honor of the governor-ge- 



194 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

neral of the Internal provinces, whose capital is the city 
of Chihuahua, laid down in north latitude, twenty eight 
degrees fifty minutes, and longitude, one hundred and 
six degrees, fifty minutes, west from Paris. To encou- 
rage the growth of this place, which now (1809) contains 
twenty five or thirty miserable mud cabins only, liberal 
grants of lands arer-made to settlers, in some instances two 
and three leagues square. It may be safely doubted, 
however, whether the town of Salsedo will even arrive to 
much importance under the Spanish government, and the 
reason is obvious. Agriculture, commerce, and manufac- 
tures, are hardly known in the province of Texas ; and 
without them no country can expect to flourish. 

From the Trinity to the river Brassos is about eighty 
miles. Between these two rivers are several small creeks, 
probably branches of larger streams, on the borders of 
which are some extensive tracts of valuable land, well 
Wooded and watered, and furnished with a pure and 
wholesome air. The bottoms along the Brassos are also 
extensive and fertile, though portions of them are usually 
deluged in the spring. This river is about seven hundred 
miles long, and affords a good navigation for some dis- 
tance above its mouth. 

The next river of any consequence is the Colorado, 
about eighty five miles to the westward of the Brassos. 
The land between these two rivers is of a good quality ; 
but the want of wood and water will probably obstruct 
the settlement of it. The Colorado is a beautiful river, 
navigable nearly to its source in the season of high water, 
a distance of about four hundred and fifty miles, On 
its borders are large bodies of excellent well timbered 
land ; and perhaps the period is not far distant when po- 
pulous settlements will be formed on them, especially if 
industry ;.nd enterprise be suffix ientH' encouraged. This 
river falls into the head of the bay of St. Bernard- 



lis 



CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, &c. 10,^ 

From the Colorado to the river St. Marks, (one of the 
branches of the Ciuadaloupe) is about fifty miles. This 
river is about one hundred yards wide where the road cros- 
ses it, and the lands on its borders are extremely rich and 
productive, but they are mostly destitute of wood. 

About twenty five miles to the westward of the St. 
Miirks, is the river Guadaloupe, which is about the size 
of the former. The lands on this river are good, well 
watered, and contain a fuie growth of timber. This ri- 
ver is about two hundred miles long, and falls into the 
bay of St. Bernard, at the mouth of which was planted 
the colony under M. de la Salle in 1685. 

From the Guadaloupe to St. Antonio, the capital of 
Texas, is about sixty miles. This capital is situated in 
about north latitude, twenty nine degrees, on one of the 
head branches of the Guadaloupe, and is said to contain 
about two thousand five hundred irjiabitants ; but these 
are probably overrated. The country about it is elevated, 
and fanned by a pure air. It has been remarked by tra- 
vellers, that more old people are found in this quarter 
than are known to exist in any other territory of the same 
extent. The houses in St. Antonio are very indifferent ; 
generally one story high, with flat roofs, supported by up- 
rights sunk in the ground, and built of combustible mate- 
rials. There are, however, one or two public squares, 
round which the houses make a better appearance. The 
chapel or church is an ordinary structure, though it is 
considered by the inhabitants as a splendid edifice. At 
no great distance from the town, a spring of an uncom- 
mon size, yielding pure lime stone water, breaks out of 
the side of a hill, and soon becomes a river. A dam is 
erected across it in such a position as to precipitate the 
water in almost every direction among ttie houses by 
means of canals or sluices, which are so constructed zs 
to convey it over the cultivated fields o^low. This 
irrigation is the more necessary, as it seldom rains 
2 e 



196 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

in the neighborhood of St. Antonio during the summer 
season. 

If the preceding calculations are correct, St. Antonio is 
about five hundred and five miles to the west-south-west 
of Nachitoches. The several distances we have men- 
tioned were computed in 1806 by a gentleman of intelli- 
gence and observation, who traversed the country in that 
year between Red river and the capital of Texas. From 
him also were derived in part the few descriptive hints 
vve have given of that country. 

In addition to what has been said of the country to the 
westWiird of Red river, it may be observed, that it pos- 
sesses mcny advantages denied to other portions of Loui- 
siana under the same latitudes. It is elevated ; and the 
air is untainted by noxious exhalations, which in other 
places are more or less prejudicial to health. The springs 
afford excellent water ; and even the water in most of the 
rivers is free from impurities, and impregnated with the 
qualities of the lime stone. It is believed also, that this 
part of the country contains plenty of salt, as the hunters 
have discovered several salt springs. Another great ad- 
vantage attached to it is, that it has a variety of easy and 
short communications with the sea, by means of the ri- 
vers already named, and no doubt some good ports. 
Hence the facilities to the exportation of cotton, tobacco, 
and provisions, (perhaps even sugar) which these exten- 
sive regions are calculated to yield, and which will be con- 
sidered as the st :ple commodities of them. 

The coun:ry in general is of a rolling nature, destitute 
of any considerable mountains, and may be considered as 
an inclined plane trom the great Mexicnn ridge ; it is al- 
most wholly free from swamps and marshy grounds, t%- 
cept along the gulf between the mouths of the Sabine and 
the Trinity. The greatest obstacle to the setdement 
of some parts of it, is the scarcity of wood ; yet the prai- 
ries, which are always covered with luxuriant grass, will 



CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, Sec. Jcjj- 

afibrd fine ranges for cattle, and therefore cannot be deem- 
ed useless in an agricultural point of view. The portion 
of the country covered with wood, were it even limited 
to the borders of the rivers, is sufficient for a considerable 
population ; and it is said that, in the neighborhood of the 
gulf, especially to the westward of the Trinity, a good 
growth of timber is to be found. We may therefore safe- 
ly pronounce, that these regions are destined to yield, at 
no distant period, great quantities of surplus produce, and 
to open new and important sources of wealth to the agri- 
cultural and commercial world. 

The road we have traced out is the great thorough- 
fare between Red river and the city of Mexico, as well 
as the internal provinces. The Spaniards at all the vil- 
lages, and at nearly all the rivers on this route, have esta- 
blished small military posts, composed of eight or ten 
men each ; not merely as guards of security, but to faci- 
litate the passage of public letters and despatches, which 
are carried with as much expedition between the Sabine 
and the most distant provinces, as in any part of the Uni- 
ted States. All these posts are provided with mules. As 
soon as the mail arrives at one post, it is hastened by a 
fresh mule and rider to the next, and so on ; it travels 
night and day, and is seldom obstructed, or even retard- 
ed, by the weather. Carriages have passed the road from 
Nachitoches to Mexico ; a distance of little more than one 
thousand miles; some say twelve hundred miles. 

Of the country about the sources of the rivers we have 
named, very little is known. These rivers, at least most 
of them, head in the extensive plains to the north west of 
the gulf. The Trinity and Brassos flow from near the 
upper part of lied river ; a small ridge, indeed, onl}' di- 
vides them. 

The no Bravo is about one hundred and fifty miles to 
the westward of St. Antonio, following the coarse of the 
road. The lands are generally the same as those already 



198 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

noticed, though the produce of them is probably more va- 
luable. They yield several rare and useful kinds of wood, 
as also considerable quantities of cochineal. 

It is taken for granted, that the Spaniards will never se- 
riously contend for any part of the country to the east- 
ward of the Sabine ; and it is also presumed, that the United 
States will extend and maintain their claims to the rio 
Bravo. This tract, then, may be computed at about six 
hundred and five miles in length, and four hundred miles 
in breadth ; containing two hundred and forty two thou- 
sand square miles, or one hundred and fifty four million, 
eight hundred and eighty thousand acres. 

There is is some confusion in the maps relative to the 
latitudes of the rivers, and other remarkable objects, a- 
long the gulf of Mexico. The Spanish maps, in particu- 
lar, lay down nineteen rivers, or large water courses, be- 
tween the Sabine and the rio Bravo. The mouth of the 
Sabine is placed in north latitude, thirty degrees, nearly ; 
that of the Trinity in twenty nine degrees ; that of the 
Brassos in twenty nine degrees twenty minutes ; the en- 
trance into the bay of St. Bernard in twenty eight de- 
grees thirty minutes ; the mouths of the Colorado and 
Guadaloupe, in the vicinity of each other, in about twenty 
eight degrees fifty minutes; and the mouth of the rio 
Bravo in twenty six degrees eight minutes. These calcu- 
lations of the latitudes, though probably incorrect, will af- 
ford the reader a general idea of the relative positions of 
the several objects, to which they refer. The bay of St. 
Bernard is said to exhibit one of the most beautiful sheets 
of water in the world ; it contains many islands, and is 
%vell stored with various kinds of fish ; nearly twelve feet 
of water is found on the bar at its entrance ; its shores are 
pregnant with delightful scenery. 

The paucity of materials forbid a more copious account 
of this part of Louisiana. The attention, therefore, is ne- 
icssarily diverted to another quarter. 



CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, Stc I99 

lilack river penetrates the left bank of Red river about 
liiirty miles from the Mississippi, and it has been explo- 
red to the hot springs in north latitude, thirty four de- 
grees twenty seven minutes, a distance of five hundred 
and nine miles. Black river, however, loses its name at 
the junction of the Ocatahola, Washita, and Tenza, about 
sixty nine miles from Red river. The Washita is the prin- 
cipal branch, and near it are the hot springs already men- 
tioned. This river, as it is ascended, inclines for some 
distance to the north west ; so that fort INIiro, built by the 
Spaniards, as likewise the settlements in that quarter, si- 
tuated two hundred and seventy miles from the mouth of 
Red river, are at no great distance from the Walnut Jlills 
on the Mississippi. 

The lands on Black river, below the junction just mention- 
ed, are of an alluvial nature. 'J'he banks in general are pret- 
ty elt-vated, and some portions of them seldom buried un- 
der water ; but the lands gradually slope from the river, and 
are bounded in the rear by cypress swamps, which are an- 
nually inundated. These elevations along the banks are 
generally one plantation deep, and the soil is composed of 
black marie, mixed with sand, which have been rolled 
from the upper country. The trees are not so high and 
large as those on the Mississippi ; they are red and black 
oaks, ash, peccon, hickory, some elms, cotton wood, and 
willow : But they gradually increase in height and size 
as the river is ascended. 

An opinion prevails, that these and other alluvial lands 
in the low country are at this time much more elevated 
than formerly ; and that they are gradually rising above 
the freshes by the. annual depositions made on their sur- 
face. This opinion is fully supported by three known 
facts ; the advances of the land into the sea ; the exist 
once of trees and other woody substances at a considerable 
depth under ground, apparently deposited there by the 



200 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

waters ; and the annual formation of an alluvions stratum 
by mv;ans of the expansion of the jMississipps ana ocher 
rivers. 

The same kind of land continues to fort Miro on the 
Washita, though sornev/hat more elevated, and studded 
with a few primitive ridgco. On the left hank of that ri- 
ver are extensive prairies, the soil ot which is luxuriant 
and productive, bearing a high coarse („rass.. Ojii ihc op- 
posite side, between the Washita and Red river, tht lands 
have frequently an elevation of three hundred feet ; part 
of which is prairie, and the remauider mostly covered 
with pine, and extremely poor and barren. 

The fort and settlement on the Washita are situated in 
north latitude, thirty two degrees thirty mmutes, nearly. 
The first settlement made here was by the French, which 
was destroyed by the Natchez Indians in 1729, and never 
revived till the country passed into the hands of Spain ; it 
now extends about thirty miles above fort Miro, and com- 
prehends between five and six hundred souls. Many 
fine creeks and bayous intersect this part of the country, 
bounded by rich and extensive bottoms. Just above the 
fort commences the grant of baron B strop, which embra- 
ces a square of thirty six miles on each side of the river. 
Here the banks are ekvated about thirty feet ; the bot- 
toms are at least half a mile wide, and the high grounds 
in the rear of them covered with pine. 

The uplands, properly so called, make their first ap- 
pearance about one hundred and thirty miles ;ibove the 
fort, covered with cane breaks, birch, maple, holiy, per- 
simmon, and black grape vines. The m.irgins of th<^ ri- 
ver are fringed with a variety of vines and plants, among 
which is several species of convolvulus. The banks at 
this place and above it, in some instances suffer from the 
ebrasion of ihr waters, though mostlv skirted with rocky 
clifts from eighty to an hundred feet in height, and cover- 



CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, &c. 201 

ed with pine. Plills of freestone are common in this quar- 
ter. The lands, among other trees, produce the elm, sy- 
camore, dog and iron wood. 

Aliout three hundred and forty five miles above the 
fort, tht: country suddenly assumes a more rugged aspect. 
Iftlls frequently rise out of the level plains, and exhibit 
an abundance of rocks, free stone, and blue slate, 
among whose fissures are found plenty of sparry and 
chrystaline matter. 

This kind of land continues to the hot springs; its sur- 
face is covered with a stri'tum of vegetable earth, from 
six to twelve inches in thickness, of a dark brown colour, 
mixed wirh loam and sand, and well calculated for til- 
lage. The navigation is good in the season of high wa- 
ter, and ihr climate one of the finest in the world. The 
dit>ianL< from ihe hot springs to the source of che river, is 
unknown. It is probablt, that the country about it is bro- 
ken, aTid much less inviting than that lower down. 

These springs ?re numerous., and sitaat^d intije neigh- 
borhood of the river. Four of them only, are worthy of 
much notice. Tiu first raises the mercury in Fahrenheit 
to one hundred and fifty degrees ; the second to one hun- 
dred and forty five degrees ; the third to one hundred and 
thirty six degrees; and the fourth to ou<^ hundred and 
thirty two dtgrets. The temperature of the water in- 
creases or diminishes in proportion to the size of the 
spring. The water in none of them, when suffered to 
cool, is unpleasant to the taste. It is supposed to contain 
some m>dicinal virtues, and on this account the springs 
begin to be visited by valetudinaries. 

The sketches new given of the country about the Wa- 
shita are dtnved from several sources, particularly from 
the observations of Mr. Dunbar and Dr. Hunter. It is 
unfortunate, that all the other great rivers of Louisiana 
have not been equally well explored and surveyed. 



202 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

It has been recently found, that the bayou Tenza is of 
much more consequence than was apprehended. It is an 
outlet or branch of the Mississippi, which leaves that ri- 
ver near the Arkansas, and meanders along the swamps 
till it joins Black river. In some places it makes near 
approaches to the Mississippi ; in others it diverges from 
fifteen to twenty five miles from it, and in its progress 
passes through several long and narrow lakes, probably 
formed by occasional dilatations of the stream. This ba- 
you, with very little labor and expense, would afford a 
good boat navigation for about four hundred miles ; and 
as the current is comparatively weak, it is calculated to 
facilitate the ascent of boats to the upper country. The 
lands along the Tenza are as elevated, and as well covered 
with cane, as those on the JMississippi, and of equal 
breadth. Many people, under an expectation of acqui- 
ring pre-emtive titles, have surveyed and taken possession 
of large tracts of these lands, admirably adapted to the 
culture of cotton, and such other articles as are common 
to the country. 

The west bank of the Mississippi, from the mouth of 
Red river to that of the Arkansas, presents an almost per- 
fect level, and the land is much more elevated on the river 
than in the rear of it. This vast tract affords a thick 
growth of large and tall trees, mostly cotton wood and 
cypress, with extensive cane breaks. This kind of cane 
near the Arkansas is from fifteen to twenty feet in height; 
opposite to Natchez and fort Adams, from thirty five to 
forty feet. All these lands are of an alluvial nature, and 
extremely fertile. Most of those within half a mile of the 
Mississippi are sufficiently redeemed from the floods. 
The swamps extend westward to the high grounds, gene- 
rally from twenty to thirty five miles breadth, and in the 
spring season are buried from twelve to twenty five feet 
under water. During the latter part of summer, the 



ChAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, &c. 203 

Vvhole of autumn, and the beginning of winter^ they are 
usually dry, and afford excellent pasturage for cattle and 
■wild animals. The water they receive in time of freshes, 
Js mostly precipitated from the Mississippi by means of 
the creeks and bayous ; and as the floods subside^ part of 
it returns to the river by the same channels or drains ; but 
much the greatest part is left to be exhausted by evapor- 
ation and absorption. 

It must not be supposed, however, that these cxtensivei 
swamps, situated between the mouth of Rtd river and 
that of the Aikansas< and embracing near eight thousand 
square miles, will always remain entirely useless; They 
afford plenty of large and excellent cypress, and some o- 
ther valuable trees, especially along the banks of the water 
courses. As soon as settlements are formed On the high 
grounds in the rear of them^ or on the borders of the Ten- 
Ea, they will be occupied as ranges for cattle^ Besides^ 
the water communications afforded by them at certain sea- 
sons, will be of great use to the opuletit planter* 

Of the immense country between these low grounds and 
the rivers to the westward of them, and between the Wa- 
shita and the Arkansas, no correct information was ever 
obtained. It was partly explored by the French in the 
early part of the last centut ; but no refcord of their disco- 
veries, at least of any merits has been handed down to us* 
Some hunters, however, have occasionally penetrated it* 
They represent it as mostl) destitute of wood, except a- 
long the water courses, and somewhat mountainous^ 

Few settlements are formed on the West bank of the 
Mississippi, within the tract just noticed* They are thin- 
ly scattered along from Red river to the mouth of the Ya- 
20US. Planters^ however, begin to turn their attention td 
this quarter, whichj at this time receives nearly its propor- 
tion of new settlers from the States* T'he knds cultiva- 
ted by them are of the first quality for cotton, and yield 
nn abundance of corn and other provisions^ 
2 n 



v;04 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

Every part of the country we have noticed produces se 
veral sorts of wild fruit, particularly pawpaws, grapes of 
different kinds, mulberries, figs, persimmons, and a variety 
of nuts and plums. Perhaps no part of the world yields 
finer peaches and mellons. Apple and pear trees flourish 
extremely well on the high grounds ; but their fruit is in- 
different. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER VI. 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 



UNDER the Spanish government the south bounda- 
ry of Upper Louisiana was a place called Hope Encamp- 
ment., nearly opposite to the Chickasaw Bluffs. In this 
chapter a general description will be given of all the known 
parts of Louisiana, situated above the Arkansas ; the 
mouth of which is in about north latitude, thirty three de- 
grees forty minutes: Some attention will be paid to the 
natural divisions of the country, as well as to the division- 
al lines of districts. 

The country about the mouth of the Arkansas is rather 
low, and most of it overflowed in seasons of high water. 



go© SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA, 

The village on that river is situated about forty five mile^ 
from the Mississippi, The French visited this place asi 
early as 1685, where they opened a trade with the natives, 
built a fort, and formed some settlements about it. At 
that period the Arkansas nation of Indians v/as deemed 
one of the most powerful in the country, and the French 
to preserve peace with them, and to secure th^ir trade, in- 
termarried with them. Most of the inhabitants of that 
village, j^re of mixed blood, and the same mixture is ob- 
servable among the Indians, who are now reduced to a 
very few in number, and live in two small villages above 
that of the whites. They formerly contended v/ith the 
Chickasaws for superiority ; and their wars with that peo- 
ple, and the use of ardent spirits, have nearly extinguish- 
ed them as a nation. The village of the whites at present 
contains thirty or forty houses only, and a garrison, in 
which a few troops are quartered. In the neighborhood 
of it are a few plantations, and the country about it is well 
adapted to tillage. But the Indian trade, at present very 
inconsiderable, occupies the attention of the inhabi- 
tants, who are altogether of French extraction, and in 
a gre^t nieasure unacquainted with agricultural pur- 
suits. 

It is certain, that the French nearly a century ago pe^ 
netrated the Arkansas to its source: But they have left 
us no accounts of the country in that quarter ; and for 
the fe\y traits we have of it, and of the regions between the 
Arkansas and the Missouri, we are indebted to the enter- 
prise of English Americans, A few prominent features, 
therefore, must suffice. 

Frona the Arkansas village to Verdigris river, a dis- 
tance of at least five hundred miles, the shores are gene- 
raUy lined with reeds or cane, and furnish many rich and 
extensive bottoms. The country below the upper extent 
pf the Osage hunting grounds, is well supplied with wood, 
Craggy clifts frequently make their appearance along the 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 207 

Arkansas, at least as far up as a branch of that river call- 
ed Negrocka. All that vast country, which lies between 
Verdigris river and the Mexican mountains, and between 
the Arkansas and the Kansas and Platte rivers, n^ay be 
considered as one immense prairie, with very little else to 
attract attention. Between the Osage villages and the 
head waters of those rivers, the country is sandy, and al- 
most destitute of herbage ; the surface of it is irregular 
and broken, interspersed with a variety of small streams, 
some fresh and some salt, with barren sand hills, and some 
level tracts covered with grass, and others with flint and 
lime-stones. The nearer the Arkansas is approached from 
this quarter, the more regular and the less stony is the 
surface of the country ; though even here it has the ap- 
pearance of a barren waste, and exhibits to the eye an arid 
and steril soil. Few trees are to be discovered, except 
along the water courses, and these are generally the cotton 
wood, a species of the poplar. Many of the small branch- 
es of the Arkankas are strongly impregnated with salt, and 
the shores of that river, in many places, are frosted with 
nitre. The water of many of the springs or salines are 
too salt for soups, and it even renders corn, when boiled 
in it, unfit for use. Immense herds of buffaloe, elk, deer, 
and a species of the goat, range about this open country, 
which produces a short grass, of which they are fond ; 
and a gentleman of veracity has asserted, that he has 
seen a drove of them, containing at least niue thou- 
sand. 

These regions, however, although they are at the dis- 
tance of several hundred miles from our present settle- 
ments, are not wholly useless. They produce vast quan- 
tities ol peltry, and the lands along the numerous rivers 
and streams are suitable for cultivation. A scries of years 
must elapse before the country between them and the 
Missibsippi is settled ; and at whatever time our settlers 
approach the vast prairies already noticed, they will ex- 



208 SIvETCIIES OF LOUISIANA. 

perience one advantage not common in other new and 
interior countries, a fruitful supply of salt. 

The fiat country on the Mississippi extends from the 
mouth of the Arkansas to the head of what is called Ti- 
wappaty bottom, a distance of nearly four hundred and fif- 
ty miles. The river St. Francis runs nearly parallel to 
the Mississippi, and from thirty to forty miles, (in some 
places less) to the westward of it, for the distance of abovit 
four hundred and sixty milfs, and mostly through the* flat 
country already mentioned. Nearly half of the lands be- 
tween these two rivers are covered with swamps and 
ponds, and periodically inundated. These swamps, filled 
with cypress, are mostly dry in summer ; though, unless 
they be drained at great expense, or banks constructed to 
keep the water from them, they will never be of any ser- 
vice to agriculturalists, other than as ranges for cattle. 
Many creeks or bayous take their rise in them, and they 
flow into both rivers ; and it is calculated, that there are as 
many of them as one to every fifteen miles. These swamps 
are generally in a central position between the two rivers ; 
they mostly communicate with both by forming creeks or 
bayous, which are navigable in the time of freshes. The 
lands along the banks of the rivers and other streams a" 
much more elevated than the intermediate tracts ; they 
are seldom overflowed, and present a thrifty growth 
of large trees. Prairies abound in the interior, as also 
some tracts of upland, calculated for rich and extensive 
plantations. 

This tract contains no varieties of soil. The lands are 
mostly what are called bottoms or intervals, and are compo- 
sed of a deep rich mould, calculated for most kinds of grain, 
cotton, tobacco, flax, and hemp. The more elevated grounds 
yield thirty bushels of wheat, and eighty bushels of corn, 
by the acre. Tiwappaty bottom, which is situated above 
the mouth of the Ohio, is equal in fertility to any part of 
the western country. It produces a thick growth of tim- 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 209 

ber, and many of the trees are of an extraordinary size. 
Part of this bottom, which is about twenty miles long, 
and horn three to six miles broad, produces an immense 
quantity of rushes. These grow to the height of about 
eight feet ; they are large, and stand so thick, that it is diffi- 
cult for a man to make his way among them. Ij.rge droves 
of cattle resort to them in winter, and fatten on them. 

Most of the settlements are formed along the Mississip- 
pi, not only because the lands near the banks are less ex- 
posed to inundation, but because that navigable stream af- 
fords the desired facilities to commerce. The settlement 
at Little Praine, thirty miles below New Madrid, was 
formed by Canadian traders about the year 1795; and 
in 1803 it contained about one hundred and fifty souls. 

New Madrid also situated in north latitude, thirty 
six degrees thirty minutes, (seventy miles by the 
course of the Mississippi below the mouth of the 
Ohio, and forty-five miles over land) was first settled 
by hunters and traders. In 1787 it assumed the form of 
a regular built tov/n under the direction of general 31or- 
gan, then of New Jersey, but now of Pennsylvania. In 
consequence of some obstacles to his designs, created by 
the Spanish government, he finally abandoned his pursuits, 
and retired from the country. The town is situated on 
the west bank of the Mississippi, bounded on the north 
by the bayou St. John, which always affords plenty of 
water, and on the south by a crei k, which heads in a cy- 
press swamp in the rear of the town, and is generally des- 
titute of water in the dry seasons. The river never rises 
so high as to inundate the town : But the banks of it are 
very unstable ; portions of them annually cave in ; the hou- 
ses were originally erected over the present channel, and 
the inhabitants are annually obliged to remove some of 
them, otherwise they would be destroyed ; and the proba ■ 
bilit) is, that the encroachments of the river will evcr.tu- 
ally scatter the population of this place. 



210 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

This town was originally so laid out as to extend as the 
French express it, forty acres in length along the river ; 
the back part was contracted to twenty acres on account 
of some swamps, and the depth was sixteen acres. It 
contained ten streets running parallel with the river, and 
eighteen others crossing them at right angles. The for- 
mer were sixty feet, and the latter forty five feet in breadth. 
Six squares were also laid out, and reserved for the use 
of the town, each of which contained two acres. A street 
of one hundred and twenty feet in breadth was likewise re- 
served on the bank of the river. 

The tract of country already mentioned, between the 
Arkansas and Tiwappaty bottom, is more insalubrious 
than any other part of Upper Louisiana 5 and from the situ- 
ation of it a stranger would be inclined to believe, that it 
was more subject to dangerous diseases than it really is. 
Complaints of an epidemic nature, are unknown. Deaths 
are more frequent among children than adults ; and this is 
imputed to the green fruit, which the former indulge 
themselves in eating during the most sickly season of the 
year. The mephitic exhalations from the swamps and 
low grounds must necessarily poison the air ; they pro- 
duce intermittents, and some bilious fevers, though they 
have never been considered as very malignant. Indeed, the 
sick have suffered more from the want of medicine than 
from the obstinate nature of the endemics ; and more mor- 
tality has occurred from old age and accidents than from 
prevalent diseases. 

A considerable number of Delawares, Shawanese, and 
Cherokees, have built some villages on the waters of the 
St. Francis and AVhite rivers. Their removal into these 
quarters was authorised by the Spanish government, and 
they have generally conducted themselves to the satisfac- 
tion of the whites. Some stragglers from the Creeks, 
Chocktaws, and Chickasaws, who are considered as out- 
laws hv their respective nations, have also established 



UPPER LOUISIAXA. 211 

themselves on the same waters ; and their disorders and 
dejjredations among the white settlers are not unlre- 
quent. 

The population of this tract in 1804 was estimated at 
one thousand three hundred and fifty, including one hun- 
dred and fifty slaves ; of which ahnut four hundred, ac- 
cording to the best accounts, were capable of bearing 
arms. One company of militia at Arkansas, another at 
Little Prairie, and three in New INladrid and its vicinity, 
were regularly organised. The more distant and scatter- 
ed setders were not included in the organised militia j 
they were excused from the ordinary duties of this corps 
on account of the inconvenience of attending to them. 
About two thirds of the population is composed of Eng- 
lish Americans ; the other third of French. It is believ- 
ed, that the population of this tract has not much increas- 
ed in several years. For three years, commencing iri 
1 .SOO, the increase was only siic persons. About Nev/ Ma- 
drid, and below it, the population evidently diminishes ; 
while it increases more to the north, particularly above 
the mouth of the Ohio. 

'J'he natural growth of this portion of the country is some- 
V. hat different from thatamongthe upper settlements ; audit 
partly consists of uiulberry, locust, Sassafras, walnut, pec-' 
con, cotton wood, cypres^, willows, and dogwood. On 
the highest grounds some persimmons, hickory, oak, and 
ash, are to be found. This enumeration is riot complete j 
but it is sufficient to afford a general idea of the natural 
growdi of this tract. 

It has been the misfortune of most of the first settlers 
in Louisiana, particularly the French, to negi^ot agricul- 
ture, and to turn their attention almost wholly to the In- 
dian trade, which at best only afforded a precarious sub- 
sistence ; and none but a few of the principal traders ever 
derived any profits from it. Th- first settlers at New Ma- 
drid, and those of most of the other places already na- 



J12 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

med, were of this description. Not till about the year 
1794, when the game was nearly exhausted, did they be- 
gin to cultivate the lands, except for gardens and the rai- 
sing of scanty supplies of corn ; and since that period the 
people have gradually turned their attention to agricul- 
ture. In 1803 the several settlements, exclusive of that 
at Arkansas, produced thirty three thousand eight hun- 
dred and eighty bushels of corn, three hundred and ten 
bushels of wheat, fourteen thousand eight hundred pounds 
of flax, four thousand five hundred and sixty pounds of 
tobacco, and one hundred and sixty two thousand nine 
hundred pounds of cotton. They also during the same 
time manufactured seven hundred and forty gallons of 
whiskey, tanned four hundred hides, and procured of the 
Indians six hundred and sixty five packs of different kinds 
of peltries. Agriculture and the manufacture of various 
articles, are at this time in a progressive state ; and the 
prospects of success in these branches will eventually su- 
percede the desire of an Indian traffic. 

At the head of Tiwappaty bottom, and about twelve 
miles below cape Gerardeau, the high grounds commence 
on the Mississippi. At this place is a high rocky blufF, 
•which stretches at about right angles with the river across 
the country to the St. Francis. This may be said to di- 
vide the low from the high country. The settlements to 
the north of it are the most populous ; and, in whatever 
light we consider them, they are of much the most conse- 
quence. 

In the territory now to be noticed are several districts 
or counties, and the face of them exhibits a happy me- 
dium between a mountainous and level country. No part 
of this extensive tract is subject to inundation, except 
now and then, and small portions of it only are unfit for til- 
lage. It is much less mountainous and broken than the 
eastern and middle states, and not so low and fiat as the 
southern states on the Atlantic side of the mountains. 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 213 

All the bottoms, and many of the prairies, are level ; but 
the lands back of the first, and generally those in the 
neighborhood of the latter, are formed into gentle swells 
and vales, and exhibit to the eye what is commonly called 
a rolling country. It must not, however, be understood, 
that there are no high mountains, or any abrupt high 
grounds ; on the contrary, there are many of both ; but 
they are too few in number, and too limited in extent, to 
injure the character of the country, or to lessen the value 
generally conceived of it. 

Both the bottoms and the high grounds sre alternately 
divided into wood lands and prairies. Some of the bot- 
toms are covered with trees of a large size. Those on 
the high grounds are more scattered, and generally of a 
different species. The prairies are covered with grass. 
These were probably occasioned by the ravages of fire j 
because, wherever copses of trees, are found on them, 
the ground about them is low, and too moist to admit the 
fire to pass over it ; and because it is a common practice 
among the Indians and other hunters to set the woods and 
prairies on fire, by which means they are able to kill an 
abundance of game. They take secure stations to the 
leeward, and the fire drives the game to them. These 
prairies are numerous ; but very few of them within our 
settlements, or in the neighborhood of them, are of any 
considerable extent. Some of them, indeed, are many 
miles long ; but they are narrow, and are so situated as to 
be of great utility to agriculturists. When practicable, 
prairie lands have been included in plantation surveys. 
They afford an early grass for cattle, and produce an 
abundance of hay of no very inferior quality. The soil 
of them is generally stronger than that of the circumja- 
cent grounds ; and almost the only labor required to con- 
vert them into tillage fields, is makinc^ the necessary fences 
romid them. 



gl4, SKKTCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

The district of cape Gcrardeau extends from Tiwappa-. 
ty bottom to Apple creek, a distance on the Mississippi of 
about thirty miles, and without any definite boundarief^ 
to the westward. The first house built in this district 
was in 1794 at the cape, and by a Frenchman. Since 
that period settlements have been rapidly formed by emi- 
grants from the United States ; and it is generally believ- 
ed, that the lands in this quarter are inferior to none in 
TJpner Louisiana : Certain it is, that the richest aiid most 
industiious farmers in this part of the world are the pro- 
prietors of them. In 1803 the popuLition of this district 
was one thousand two hundred and six. During the 
three preceding years its increase was four hundred and 
sixty six ; so that in 1804 it contained about one thousand 
four hundred and seventy whites, as also a few slaves ; 
and the increase has been equally rapid since the country 
passed under our jurisdiction. Not more than three or 
four Frenchmen live in this district; the rest are English 
Americans, who were organized into three large compa- 
nies of militia soon after we assumed the government. 

The people, among many other articles, raise wheat, 
corn, tobacco, flax, hemp, and cotton, and nnanufacture 
large quantities of maple sugar. They annually export 
considerable quantities of beef, pork, lard, smoaked hams, 
and some peltry. They also cultivate various kinds of 
fruit, small grains, and garden vegetables. The lands in 
this district are elevated, and well supplied with springs ; 
free from stagnated waters and low marshy grounds, and 
the climate is deemed healthful. It contains only one 
swamp, which is just below the cape, and extends across 
the country to the St, Francis ; this swamp is filled with 
cypress trees of no great value. 

Not many of the settlers in this district have planted 
thetnselves on the Mississippi ; they preferred the country 
f^bout twelve miles back of that river. Several considerable 



UPPER LOUISI AN A. 215 

i;ettlements are formed on the waters of the St. Francis, 
about sixty milts in the rear of the cape, where the lands 
are of the first quality. All the lands in this district are 
of a rolling nature ; they possess a luxuriant soil, are well 
covered with timber, and are intersected with a variety of 
excellent streams and springs. 

Apple creek enters the Mississippi from the west about 
eighteen miles above the cape, and affords an inland navi- 
gation at some seasons of the year. About twenty miles 
up this creek, and near to it, are three villages of Indians, 
one of Delawares, and two of Shawnees, which were 
erected about the year 1794. The settlement of the In- 
dians in this quarter was favored by the Spanish govern- 
ment, to whom a considerable tract of land was promised. 
They had several hundred warriors among them ; who 
were considered as a safe-guard to the whites, and at the 
devotion of the Spanish authorities. One of these villages 
contains about eighty houses. The houses of all the vil- 
lages are built of logs, some of them squared, and well 
interlocked at the ends, and covered with shingles. Many 
of them are two stories high ; and attached to them are 
small houses for the preservation of corn, and barns for 
the shelter of cattle and horses, with which they are ^^ell 
supplied.. Their houses are well furnished with decent 
and useful furniture. These Indians are said to be the 
most wealthy of any in the country ; but they are greatlx- 
debauched and debilitated by the use of ardent spirits. 
The country about them is too much settled to afford plen- 
ty of game. They mostly hunt on the waters of the St. 
Francis, and "White river ; and sometimes they penetrate 
into the territories of the Osages, between whom a preda- 
tory war has been maintained for many years. 

The district of St. Genevieve is bounded on the south 
by Apple creek, and bv tht- Merimak on the north ; and 
the breadth of it on the Mississippi is upwards of an hun- 
dred mile?. The boundaries to the west have never been 



216 sk?:tches of Louisiana. 

designated. This district, perhaps, is more hillv and un- 
even jhan any other settled p \rt of the same extent in 
Upper Louisiana. It contains two regularly built villages, 
St. Genevieve and New Bourbon, which were founded 
soon after the peace of 1763; and these were the first 
settlements made in the district, except some scattering 
ones, occasioned by the appearance of mineral rich :s. 
The former contains about one huadred and eighty, and 
the latter thirty five houses, exclusive of some other buil- 
dings. On the I^Iississippi are some extensive bottoms, 
the soil of which is prolific. Some of them are nt-arly 
three miles in breadth. The extensive one between the 
Mississippi, and St. Genevieve and New Bourbon, and 
claimed as the property of these villages, which are erect- 
ed on the margin of the high grounds, is under good cul- 
tivation ; it is, however, flooded once in about ten or 
twelve years. The high grounds for fifty miles back, are 
more or less cultivated; but they are in some instances 
broken, steril, and less productive than the lands of the 
other districts. These defects, however, are more than 
counterbalanced by the great quantities of lead, which are 
found in various quarters, and by the salines, which yield 
a sufficient quantity of salt for the consumption of the in- 
habitants, and some for exportation. The settlements are 
extended to some of the waters of the St. Francis, which 
take their rise among them. Stiveral streams, navigable 
for fifteen or twenty miles, intersect this district. On the 
Merimak, navigable for a hundred miles, is a silver mine, 
which was formeily worked by the French ; and on its 
banks considerable quantities of lead and salt are manu- 
factured. The settlements extend about fifty miles up 
this river. 

Between St. Genevieve and the j\Terimak, the banks of 
the Mississippi are in many places extremely high and 
rocky ; some of them have an elevation of at least thr^e 
hundred and sixty feet, and are so disposed as, on a dis- 



UPPER LOUISIANA. oj- 

tiint view, to exhibit the appearance of artificial towers. 
They are solid masses of lime stone, deposited in hori- 
zontal strata. 

The agricultural productions of this district are similar 
to those of the district of cape Gcrardeau. Hemp is in- 
digenous; it grows to the height of eleven feet, and is 
said to be equal in goodness and texture to that of the 
north of Europe ; it covers the fields of the farmers in 
spite of their efforts to destroy it. About fifteen hun- 
dred weight may be obtained from the acre. Rope 
and duck manufactories are much wanted in this coun- 
try ; and the avails of them might always be dispos- 
ed of to advantage at New Orleans and the Havanna. 
Such manufactures would probably enrich the proprie- 
tors, and at the same time prove useful to our numerous 
river navigators, who are now obliged to supply their 
wants from Kentucky. Perhaps, however, a business of 
this nature might be carried on with more profit higher 
up the Mississippi, where the hemp is undoubtedly better. 

This district produces some articles of natural growth 
not common among the other settlements in Upper Loui- 
siana. These art^ several kinds of pine, which are mostly 
found at some distance up the Merimak, and from which 
the inhabitants manufacture considerable quantities of 
pitch and tar, nearly sufficient for the consumption of the 
country. The banks of the jVlt-rimak also produce some 
excellent cypress ; iind this species of wood is not com- 
mon to the country to the northward of the district of New 
Madrid. From this and the pine, boards of a good qua- 
lity are manufacture«j ; but the price of them are so ex- 
orbitant, that few only can afford to purchase them. Ce- 
dar is also found in plenty on the banks of the ^Mississip- 
pi, and some other rivers, above the mouth of the Illi- 
nois ; and this is converted to a variety of useful purposes. 
The population of this district in 1804, cannot be pre- 
cisely ascertained : but from the census of 1 800, and the 



218 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

probable increase in four years, it must have amounted to 
about two thousand three hundred and fifty whites, and 
five hundred and twenty slaves. Since we have been in 
possession of the country, the population has been much 
moi'e rapid than bffore. Only three companies of mili- 
tia existed in this district under the Spanish government, 
but on the change six of them were organized. 

In addition to the several articles usually sent out of 
the country to market, those of lead and salt form a con- 
siderable branch of commerce in this district. They are 
exported to the states of Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, to 
part of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and to New Orleans. 
Lead, indeed, is frequently sent from this quarter to the 
Atlantic markets ; sometimes by way of the sea, and some- 
times by way of the Ohio. 

The district of St. Louis has the Mississippi on the 
east, the Missouri on the west, and the Merimak on the 
south. It contains several good settlements, as also three 
compact villages, St. Louis, Carondelet, and St. Ferdi- 
nand. 

St. Louis, the capital of Upper Louisiana, is situated 
on the west bank of the Mississippi, eighteen miles below 
the mouth of the ]Missouri, and fourteen miles above that 
of the Merimak, and, according to Hutchins, in latitude 
thirty eight degrees twenty four minutes north. It was 
founded in 1764 by " Pierre Laclade, Maxan, and com- 
pany," who associated for the purposes of trade. They 
conceived it a position where the trade of the Missouri, 
Mississippi, and the other rivers, was most likely to cen- 
ter ; and since that period, St. Louis has been the empo- 
rium of trade in Upper Louisiana. In 1766 this village 
received a large accession of inhabitants from the oppo- 
site side of the river, who preferred the government of 
Spain to that of England. The situation of the town is 
elevated ; the shore is rocky, which effectually prevents 
the encroachments of the river. It has two long streets 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 219 

running parallel with the Mississippi, with a variety of o- 
thers intt-rsecting them at right angles. It contains about 
one hundred and eight)' houses, and the best of thenn are 
built of stone. Some of them, including the large gar- 
dens, and even squares, attached to them, are enclosed with 
high stone walls ; and these, together with the rock scat- 
tered along the shore and about the streets, render the air 
uncomfortably warm in summer. A small sloping hill 
extends along in the rear of the tovin, on the summit of 
which is a garrison, and behind it an extensive prairie, 
which affords plenty of h;iy, as also pasture for the cattle 
and horses of the inhabitants. 

After the attack made on St. Louis in 1780 by the go- 
vernor of Michillimakinak, the Spanish government found 
it necessary to fortify the town. It was immediately 
stockaded, and the stone bastion and the demilune at the 
upper end of it, were constructed. The succeeding peace 
of 1783 lessened the danger, and the works were suspend- 
ed. In 1794 the gaj-rison on the hill in the rear of the 
town and government house, was completed. In 1797, 
when an unfriendly visit was expected from Canada, four 
stone towers were erected at nearly equal distances in a 
circular direction round the town, as also a wooden block- 
house near the lower end of it. It was contemplated to 
enclose the town by a regular chain of works, and the 
towers were intended to answer the purposes of bastions ; 
But as the times grew more auspicious, the design was 
abandoned, and the works left in an unfinished state. 

The village of Carondelet is situated on the Mississip- 
pi about five miles below St. Louis. It contains forty 
or fifty houses, inhabited by Creoles and Canadians. 

About fourteen miles to the north west of St. Louis, is 
the small village of St. Ferdinand. It contains about six- 
ty houses ; most of them are situated on a rising ground, 
at the foot of which is a considerable stream of pure wa- 
ter, and on the opposite jside is one of the most fertile and 
9. r 



220 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

valuable prairies in the country. The inhabitants of this 
village are also Creoles and Canadians. The inhabitants 
of all the compact villages are of this description : But 
the extensive settlements about the country have been 
made by English Americans ; these form about three 
fifths of the population, and perhaps more. 

The lands in this district are more fertile, and much 
less broken, than those in the district of St. Genevieve. 
Between the Merimak and .St. Louis, the banks of the ri- 
ver are mostly high and rocky. Just above St. Louis a 
bottom commences, and continues to the mouth of the 
Missouri. On this river the bottoms are extensive, ge- 
nerally from one to one and a half miles in width, mostly 
covered with a thick growth of large timber. Settlements 
are formed as high up as the Du Bois^ about sixty miles 
from the Mississippi. Back of St. Louis is an extensive 
elevated prairie, the soil of which is good, but which from 
the want of timber to fence it, will probably remain unculti- 
vated. The people of St. Louis, however, derive from it 
a plentiful supply of hay and pasturage. The prairie in 
the vicinity of St. Ferdinand is about twelve miles long, 
and two miles broad, and is so situated as to be of great 
utility to the inhabitants. It extends nearly parallel to 
the Missouri, and from one to two miles from it. The 
plantations on each side of this prairie are so laid out as 
to embrace suitable portions 6f it, as also the necessary 
woodlands. Considerable settlements are formed along 
the borders of it. Those extensive ones on the long point, 
formed by the junction of the Mississippi and Missouri, 
are near the lower end of it, and those at Maries des Li' 
ai'ds^ are at the opposite extremity. These settlements 
are wealthy ; the people industrious ; and the lands culti- 
vated by them of the first quality. On the right bank of 
the Missouri, and not many miles above its mouth, is a 
bluff or mountain of pit-coal ; but this article is so much 
intermixed with sulphur, that it is too apt to consume 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 221 

iron, and therefore the smiths pretty generally decline the 
use of it. 

The largest and best settlement in this district is that 
called St. Andrews, situated on a small river, which joins 
the Missouri a few miles above St. Charles. This settle- 
ment is about twenty four miles to the south west of St. 
Louis, and is composed of excellent farmers, who have 
introduced a more correct agriculture than is commonly 
practised, and who have cultivated with success some of 
the most useful grasses in the Atlantic States. The lands 
in this quarter contain a happy mixture of prairie and 
wood, of bottom and high grounds, and the soils of all of 
them are productive. 

Considerable settlements are also formed along the Me- 
rimak. From the large bodies of good land along the 
borders of this river, the salt works on it, the lead and 
iron mines in the vicinity of it, and the facilities it affords 
to navigation, we have a right to conclude, that the settle- 
ments in this quarter will soon acquire more importance 
than other interior ones. 

The population of this district, like most of the others, 
can only be conjectured by reference to the census of 1800, 
adding to it the probable increase between that penod 
'.jjaiid 1804, when the United States took possession of Up- 
per Louisiana. This district then contained about two 
thousand two hundred and eighty whites, and five hun- 
dred blacks. Its productions are similar to those of the 
district of St. Genevieve, except the article of lead ; and 
except cypress and pine, the natural growth is also the 
same. The exports princip.iUy consist of various kinds 
of furs and peltries, salted pork, beef, and lead. The lat- 
ter article is obtained from the other districts. The mili- 
tia of this district was only partially organised under the 
Spanish government; but it soon assumed a more regular 
form under our own. 



322 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

The district of St. Charles is situated between the left 
bank of the Missouri and the right bank of the Mississip' 
pi, and contains immense bodies of valuable land : Its 
boundaries up these rivers are undefined. Perhaps the 
climate, the lands, and the navigable streams in this dis- 
trict, combined with other natural advantages, point it out 
as the most eligible part of the country for farmers. Ex- 
clusive of the two great rivers already mentioned, it is 
intersected by a variety of smaller ones ; some of them 
afford among the present settlements an inland navigation 
of fifteen or twenty miles, and most of them are calculat- 
ed for mills and other water works : But when our set- 
tlements in this district have a little more than doubled 
their present extent, they will embrace a variety of others, 
some of which furnish an inland navigation of several 
hundred miles. The country is rolling, but not moun- 
tainous j the soil is deep and strong ; there is no want of 
timber, or sweet and wholesome water, except on some 
of the extensive prairie bottoms, particularly those along 
the Mississippi. 

Extensive bottoms are to be found along all the great 
rivers. Those on the Missouri are generally covered 
with wood, and are seldom inundated, except when the 
water is unusually high. A prairie bottom stretches from 
the mouth of the Missouri along the west bank of the 
IMississippi to sandy creek or bay, about sixty five miles, 
where our settlements in that quarter terminate ; and the 
width of it is from four to six miles, and in some places 
it exceeds ten miles. The soil is of a luxuriant nature, 
and yields in abundance ; but the want of wood and 
spring water, of which this prairie bottom is almost des- 
titute, obliges the settlers to plant themselves on the marr 
gin of the high grounds. 'J'he small village of Portag'e 
des Sc'ioiix stands on this bottom. Few other settlements 
have been formed on it, though some part of it is culti 



UPPRR LOUISIANA. 223 

vatcd by the farmers, who have established themselves a- 
long the interior borders of it. 

This district presents us with only two compact villa- 
ges, St. Charles, and Portage c/cs Scioux; and these are 
almost wholly peopled with Creoles and Canadians. 'V\\c 
other setdements have been formed by emigrants from the 
United States, who compose nearly four fifths of the po- 
pulation. 

St. Charles was founded in 1780, and is situated on the 
left bank of the Missouri, about twenty four miles above 
its mouth. It contains only one street, which extends 
upwards of a mile on the river, and is lined by about one 
hundred houses. The banks of the river along the town 
are not of a firm texture, and encroachments are appre- 
hended. Owing to a hill, which extends along in the rear 
of the town, and nearly the whole length of it, the streets 
cannot be multiplied, nor any buildings erected, except on 
the borders of the present street. This village is remark- 
able for the health enjoyed by the inhabitants of it. 
Health, indeed, is more generally experienced on the 
Missouri than on any other of the rivers ; and perhaps 
this results from the rapidity of its current, and from the 
cold and lively nature of its water, added to the nitrous 
and sulphureous qualities it contains. 

The village of Portage dcs Scioux is situated on the 
right bank of the Mississippi, about six miles aljove the 
mouth of the Missouri, and on the extensive prairie bot- 
tom already noticed. The origin of this village is of re- 
cent date, and contains only about twenty or twenty fivr 
houses ; but the fertility of the lands about it will probably 
cause an increase of population, and eventually render it 
of some importance. 

Small rivers and creeks arc numerous in this district. 
and many settlements are formed on their borders. One 
of the principal of these is on the river Ftinme Osage, some 
distance above St. Charles on the Missouri. Perhaps 



224 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the only mills of any consequence in Upper Louisiana, 
except one at St. Louis, are to be fouucl in this dis- 
trict ; and a spirit of industry prevails among the set- 
tlers. 

In 1804 the population of this district was estimated, 
partly by official documents, at about one thou'^and four 
hundred whites, and one hundred and fifty blacks ; and 
perhaps its increase is greater than that of anv other dis- 
trict, except cape Gerardeau. Only two organised com- 
panies of militia existed under the Spanish government ; 
but five large ones were formed soon after the country 
fell under our jurisdiction. The agricultural productions 
in this quarter are similar to those of the adjoining dis- 
tricts, though some articles yield more abundantly, parti- 
cularly wheat, hemp, and most kinds of esculent roots and 
vegetables. Salt is manufactured on or near the Missou- 
ri, and on one or two small rivers at some distance up the 
Mississippi ; these manufactories may be rendered produc- 
tive. Here are also plenty of iron ore, and some of the 
richest lead mines in the country ; as likewise various 
kinds of clay and stone of peculiar qualities, out of which 
household and other utensils may probably be manufac- 
tured. 

The population of Upper Louisiana, if we take into 
view the commencenient of it, may be considered as ra- 
pidly formed. The first settlers from Canada planted 
themselves on the east side of the Mississippi. Before 
the treaty of 1763, few grants of lands only were made 
on the opposite side of that river. These were mostly- 
designed to embrace mineral riches; and as the surface 
of the country about the mines appeared steriland broken, 
the old inhabitants were not disposed to change their si- 
tuations. We have already seen, that St. Louis wns 
founded in 1764, and that in 1766, in consequence of the 
inability of France to maintain her possessions in North 
America, much of the population was transferred to the 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 22a 

west side of the Mississippi ; and from this circumstance 
the settlements in Upper Louisiana derived their origin. 
Two subsequent causes served to increase this popuhition, 
nnd to diminish it on the opposite side of the Mississippi. 
The first was the ordinance of 1787, which prohibited 
slavery and involuntary servitude in what was then denomi- 
nated the north western territory. The slave holders were 
disposed to preserve this species of property ; and to do 
it effectually they abandoned their ancient habitations, and 
joined their friends in the new dominions of Spain. The 
second was the rupture in 1797, when an attack from Ca- 
nada was projected on the Spanish possessions along the 
Mississippi. Ai this period, Spain was bound to evacu- 
ate all her military posls on the east side of that river to 
the north of the thirty first degree ; and Upper Louisiana 
was the only barrier she had to oppose the descent of the 
English. The distance of this province from the capital, 
added to a wilderness of nearlv a thousand miles in ex- 
tent between them, seemed to point out the necessity of 
strengthening it ; and she conceived it good policy to po- 
pulate it by the citizens of the United States, especially as 
they appeared disposed \o act with vigor agairst the En- 
glish. Additional prospects, therefore, were held out to 
settlers, and pains were taken to disseminate them in eve- 
ry direction. Large quantities of land were granted them, 
attended with no other expenses than those of office fees, 
and surveys, which were not exorbitant ; and they were 
totally exempted from taxation. This sufficiently ac- 
counts for the rapid popui.ition of Upper Louisiana ; 
which, in 1804, consisted oi more than three fifths of En- 
glish Americans. 

It was customary under the Spanish government for 
each district to furnish an annual census of the inhabitants, 
with the number of births and deaths, the number of 
swine, cattle, and horses on hand, the various articles pro- 
duced by agriculture, and industry, as also those export- 



226 SKETCFIES OF LOUISIANA. 

ed. The persons employed to furnish the census never 
took the pains to be accurate ; and in consequence of this 
inattention the population was probably underrated, par- 
ticularly as its annual increase in many of the districts ex- 
ceeded what mere superficial observers had reason to ap- 
prehend. This is not the only difficulty in the way of ac- 
curately estimating the population. No census was taken 
of some of the districts subsequent to 1800; others fur- 
nished them as late as 1803 ; so that we have no precise 
data for the population in 1804. It was, however, the 
general opinion at the latter period, that it exceeded elev- 
en thousand. This calculation is probably too high, as 
those who made it did not allow for deaths, and for the 
occasional removals out of the country. If therefore we 
estimate the population of Upper Louisiana at the time 
we took possession of it at nine thousand and twenty 
whites, and one thousand three hundred and twenty blacks, 
we shall not be very wide from the Ijuth. The same de- 
fects exist in the census of New Orleans, and in those of 
the several districts in Lower Louisiana. They enable 
us, however, to calculate with some degree of certainty 
the annual increase of population from 1799 to 1804-, 
when, by the best accounts, it consisted of about forty one 
thousand seven hundred whites, and thirty eight thousand 
eight hundred blacks, besides several hundred people of 
mixed color. Hence the province of Louisiana, at the 
time we acquired it, contained about fifty thousand seven 
hundred and twenty whites, and forty thousand one hun- 
dred and twenty slaves ; total ninety thousand, eight hun- 
dred and forty, exclusive «of the free people of mixed co- 
lor, who mostly resided in New Orleans, and were estimat- 
ed at about two thousand five hundred. 

In a country so young and so lately settled as that of 
Upper Louisiana, it cannot be expected, that agricultural 
experiments have been numerous or extensive. The 
first care of a settler is to raise the necessaries of life ; 



UI'l'KU LOUISlAis'A. 227 

and beyond this his views do not extend for some years, 
because he is either destitute of slaves, or the markets are 
too distant to authorise the hopes of success. Until great- 
er industry ?ind enterprise be excited, we shall hardly 
know what the soil Is calculated to produce. "We have 
reason to believe, that cotton, tobacco, hemp, and rice, 
exclusive of the various kinds of grains, may be cultivat- 
ed to advantage in the district of New Madrid. Indeed, 
hemp and tobacco flourish extremely, well in the more 
northern districts. Cotton produces very well in the 
neighborhood of St. Louis, where some of the farmers 
raise a sufficient quantity of that article to clothe their fa- 
milies. One of them, who emigrated from the state of 
<^ Georgia, is of opinion, that the cotton raised in that state 
is longer, but not so fine as that cultivated on the high 
grounds by himself. He declines the cultivation of it on 
a large scale, as he is apprirhensive that the summers are 
too short to authorise the hope oi good crops, though, du- 
ring the three years he had raised this article, it ne- 
ver experienced any injury from the frosts. JMay not 
cotton by repeated cultivation, like many other articles, 
become in some measure naturalized to the climate ? To- 
bacco is an indigenous plant on the lower part of the Mis- 
sissippi ; and in no part of the United States does it grow 
larger than in Upper Louisiana, where it is cured and 
made into carrots for the Indian trade, and in this way 
it becomes an article of commerce. The people, howev- 
er, seldom use it when they can obtain any other ; per- 
haps because iheyare unacquainted with the manufacture 
of it. 

Exclusive of the articles just mentioned, those more 
common to all the districts, and more generally cultivat- 
ed, are the following : Indian corn, wheat, rye, oats, bar- 
ley, buckwheat, and flax. The soil also product?s all 
kinds of esculent roots, and culinary vegetables; a nmlti- 
•ide of different berries and plums of a delicious flavor, 
'2 r. 



^28 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

all of which are indigenous ; cucumbers and all sorts of 
mellons grow in the greatest perfection. Sweet and Irish 
potatoes are common to the country. Apple, pear, and 
peach trees have a rapid growth, and the latter are gene- 
rally so loaded with fruit as to break down. The peach- 
es are manufactured into brandy, and some of the farmers 
annually distil four hundred gallons of this spirit ; an ex- 
cellent substitute for foreign distilled spirits, the expense 
of which in a great measure prevents the use of them. 
Whiskey is also distilled from rye and Indian corn, 
which is mostly disposed of to the Indians, like the to- 
bacco, in exchange for furs and peltries. The country is 
filled with wild grape vines of a large size ; some of them 
are seven inches in diameter, six feet above the ground, 
and they run to tl^ tops of the tallest trees. They bear 
grapes of a tolerable flavor, especially when fully exposed 
to the sun ; and it is said that, in 1769, the settlers in the 
Illinois country made a hundred hogsheads of good wine 
from them. The grape vines imported from France and 
the south of Germany, and cultivated at St. Louis, flou- 
rish extremely well. 

It has been found on experiment, that the bottoms are 
too rich for the culture of wheat, oats, and some other 
grains. These articles grow to an extraordinary height 
and size ; but they contract a rust about the time they are 
in blossom, which prevents the formation of the edible 
substance. They are raised on the high grounds ; and the 
farmer is able to obtain thirty five and sometimes forty 
bushels of v/heat from the acre, each of which will weigh 
from sixty five to seventy pounds. The bottoms are sui- 
table for roots and vegetables of all kinds, grass, corn, 
hemp, flax, fruit trees, and many other articles. When 
properly cultivated, an acre will yiei|d a hundred bushels 
of corn, and this is common. But from some cause or 
other, probably the heats and the want of slaves, tillage is 
much neglected ; most of the farmers only pass the plough 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 229 

occasionally between the rows of corn, and seldom make 
use of the hoe ; and in this way they obtain from fifty to 
sixty bushels from the acre. All these bottoms are form- 
ed by the alluvious substances rolled down by the rivers, 
and will never require the aid of manure. Some of them 
on the east side of the Mississippi about Cahokia and 
Kaskaskia, have been under cultivation for more than 
one hundred and twenty years, and are at this time as 
fertile and productive as those of recent culture. 

The country produces all the substantial provisions of 
life in abundance ; particularly mutton, fowls, beef, pork, 
butter, and cheese. It is common for a farmer to own 
from a hundred to a hundred and fifty head of cattle, and 
as many swine ; nor ought this to be deemed extraordi- 
nary, when it is considered, that the rearing of them is 
productive of very little expense and trouble. The for- 
mer in summer subsist on the grass, with which the coun- 
try is covered ; and in the winter they retire to the bot- 
toms, where they find plenty of cane and rushes. The 
latter subsist on the mast found in the woods : and hence 
both the cattle and swine keep fat most of the year. No 
hay is necessary, except for such cows and horses as are 
btabled, and plenty of this is always to be obtained in the 
proper season from the prairies. The high grounds are 
seldom so thickly covered with wood as to prevent thft 
growth of grass. They exhibit more the appearance of 
extensive meadows than of rude and gloomy forests. In 
1803 large quantities of beef were sold for three dollars 
per hundred, and some for fifty cents less ; but since that 
period the price has gradually risen. AVhen a farmer has 
an inclination to export a quantity of beef and pork, he 
carries his barrels and salt into the woods, and with his 
rifle he kills his cattle and swine, and packs away the 
meat ready for market. The same practice is followed 
in most other parts of the western countr)-. Considera- 
ble quantities of butter and cheese are also made for ex- 



230 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

portation, though the latter is of an inferior quality. In 
a country so fertile, and so well adapted to the raising of 
cattle and swine, the inhabitants have if in their power to 
live as they please, and to become opulent with little la- 
bor. The greatest inconvenience they suffer is from the 
want of ready markets in their neighborhood. The cus- 
tom of exporting the surplus produce to New Orleans is 
not general. The raw materials and surplus produce of 
an interior country most usually pass into the hands of 
traders and merchants, and are by rhem exported. This 
practice has not obtained in Upper Louisiana, where men 
of this description mostly receive peltries, lead, and salt, in 
exchange for their goods. Hence the beef and pork, and 
other surplus items of provisions, as well as raw mate- 
rials, are mostly conveyed to New Orleans by the origi- 
nal owners. 

Part of the natural growth of the country has been 
cursorily mentioned ; but it is necessary to be more par- 
ticular. Some species of trees are common both to the 
high and low grounds, and we shall endeavor to distin- 
guish them. 

The low grounds produce the cotton wood, swamp 
maple, peccon, sycamore, aspin, pawpaw, armancij and 
willow. On the high grounds are found the persimmon, 
mulberry, chesnut, seven or eight kinds of oak, iron wood, 
and the crab apple. Common to both the high and low 
grounds are sugar trees in abundance, several kinds of 
walnut, several kinds of hickory, cherry, buck-eye, 
black and honey locust, three kinds of elm, gumtree, lyn, 
sassafras, nine bark, spice and leather v/ood, two kinds 
of ash, several kinds of poplar, beech, two kinds of 
birch, dogwood, and the coffee tree. Near a hundred 
different kinds of trees are enumerated by some ; but the 
selection we have made will sufficiently explain the nature 
of the country, and the qualities of its soil. The country 
^Igo produces the seyeral species of wild nuts and berrie^ 



UPPKR LOUISIANA. 231 

<:ommonly found in the United States ; likewise some of 
an indigenous nature, and a variety of medicinal plants, 
which are of importance to the people of those regions, 
and some farinaceous vegetables in use among the natives. 

The forests are filled with about fifty species of indige- 
nous animals ; among which are the buffaloe, two kinds 
of elk, two kinds of deer, the roe, the bear, the beaver, 
the otter, two species of the fox, a species of the goat, 
the mink, the raccoon, the opossom, the rabbit, and seven 
kinds of squirrels. These forests also, according to the 
best accounts, contain about a hundred and thirty species 
of birds. The most useful of them are several kinds of 
ducks, three kinds of teal, the wood-cock, the plover, the 
pheasant, the partridge, the quail, the pigeon, the prairie 
hen, or grouse, the wild goose and turkey. Here the 
lovers of sport may be gratified at all seasons of the 
year; and epicures can be at no loss for variety and deli 
cacy of food. 

The rivers and lakes produce but few fish, and some of 
them are of an indifferent quality. The carp and catfish 
are found in the large streams, and some of them are of 3 
very large size. The perch, trout, and sunfish, inhabit 
some of the small streams and lakes ; but they are too 
scarce to be of any material use to the settlers. These 
are considered as a great delicacy ; and the price of thcni 
when purchased, is exorbitant. 

From the mouth of the Arkansas to the head of Tiwappa- 
ty bottom, a distance of about four hundred and fifty miles 
very few, if any stones, are to be found. This immense 
tract of country is wholly composed of alluvion, and this 
accounts for the scarcity of rock. The rocks make their 
appearance just below cape Gerardeau ; and in all the dis 
tricts to the northward of that place more or less of them 
are to be found : sometimes on the margins of the rivers 
where they rise to a prodigious height, and sometimes on 
the more elevated grounds about the country. The vil 



232 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

lage of St. Louis is almost wholly built on a rock, and the 
other villages generally have a supply of it in their neigh- 
borhood. As the country becomes settled, the want of 
this material will be felt, particularly as it is not scattered 
about in equal portions, but is rather confined to ridges, 
and to the banks of some of the rivers and streams. The 
rocks in this country are almost universally of the calca- 
reous kind, and as universally deposited in horizontal stra- 
ta. Petrified testaceous shells, and coralline substances 
are found in various places on the Mississippi, particular- 
ly in the neighborhoods of Kaskaskia and St. Genevieve. 
These animal exuviae are always connected by a calcare- 
ous cement. Petrified nuts and vegetables of various 
kinds, as also the excrement of the buffiUoe and other ani- 
mals are scattered about Upper Louisiana, and on some 
parts of the Ohio. 

Perhaps it may not be deemed impertinent to give a 
sketch of the settlements on the east bank of the Mississip- 
pi, especially as these once belonged to the French, and 
were within the boundaries of Louisiana. The first set- 
tlements made by them in the country were at Cahokia, 
St. Philips, La Prairie du Rucher, and Kaskaskia. The 
first is situated nearly opposite to St. Louis, and contains 
about one hundred and twenty houses ; the second has 
become extinct; the third is about twelve miles above 
Kaskaskia, and contains thirty two houses. Kaskaskia is 
situated about seven miles up a river of the same name, 
though not more than three miles from the jMississip- 
pi, nearly opposite to St. Genevieve, and about fifty five 
miles below Cahokia. This village was once considered 
as the capital of the country, and was rich and popu- 
lous ; even so late as 1772 it contained five hundred 
whites, and as many blacks: but it is now reduced to a- 
bout forty five families. The causes of this declension 
have already l)een detailed. In the time of father Char- 
levoix, 1721, this village contained a Jesuit's college. The 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 233 

juins only of this fabric now remain. All these villages 
were founded about the year 1683 by the unfortunate M. 
de la Salle, or by his followers. ' 

These villages, as also the intermediate settlements, are 
situated on a fertile "bottom, which commences at the 
mouth of Kaskaskia river, and extends nearly to the 
Illinois, a distance of about eighty miles, and is from four 
to six miles in depth. That part of it along the jMissis- 
sippi, about a mile in breadth, is covered with a thick 
giowth of heavy timber ; the rest is mostly prairie. It is 
bounded in the rear by a lofty ridge of lime rocks, the 
front of which is in many places perpendicular, and el- 
evated to the height of one hundred and fifty to two hun- 
dred feet. This ridge commences below Baton Rouge, 
and approaches the east bank of the Mississippi in a va- 
riety of places ; it crosses the Ohio at what is called the 
grand chain, about twelve miles above the mouth of that 
river, and extends along back of Kaskaskia to some dis- 
tance up the Illinois. This extensive bottom furnishes ex- 
cellent land, and a considerable portion of it is under good 
cukivation. The Fiench mostly inhabit the villages, and 
the rest of the countr\ is settled bj English Americans. 
The lands back of the ridge are by no means indifferent ; 
many good settlements are formed on them ; and, in ad- 
dition to the other articles usual to the country they pro- 
duce cotton ol a good quality. 

While the French were in possession of the country, 
the\ built several forts. The one at Kaskaskia is almost 
tvhoily destrojed. They also had one on the Ohio, about 
thirt} six miles from the Mississippi ; the Indians laid a 
curious stratagein to tjike it, and it answered their pur- 
pose. A number of them appeared in the day time on 
the opposite side of the river, each of whom was cover- 
ed wi,h a bear skin, and walked on all fours. The French 
supposi d them to be bears, and a party crossed the river 
in pursuit of them. The remainder of the troops left. 



234> SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA 

their quarters, and resorted to the bank of the river in 
front ot the garrison to observe the sport. In the mean 
tirne a large body of warriors, who were concealed in the 
woods near bj^ came silently up behind the fort, and en- 
tered it without opposition, and very few of the French 
escaped the carnage. They afterwards built another fort 
on the same ground, and called it 3Iassac in memory of 
this disastrous event ; and it retains this name to the pre- 
sent time. 

Fort Chartres was built in the year 1720, and much re- 
paired in 1750. It is situated in the neighborhood of La 
Prairie du lloeher, and was originally about one mile and 
a half from the Mississippi. Its figure is quadrilateral, 
with four bastions, the whole of which is composed of lime 
stone vvell cemented. Each side measures about 340 feet. 
The walls are fifteen feet high, about three feet thick, and 
still entire. The stone walls of a spacious square of bar- 
racks, are also in good preservation, as likewise a capaci- 
ous magazine, and two deep wells very little injured by 
time. Each port or loop hole is formed by four solid 
clefts or blocks of what is here called free stone, worked 
smooth, and into proper shapes. All the cornices and 
casements about the gates and building are of the same 
material, and appear to great advantage. The area of 
this fort is now covered with trees, which are from seven 
to twelve inches in diameter. In fine, this work exhibits 
a splendid ruin. It was originally intended as a place of 
refuge for the inhabitants of the adjacent country in time 
of war. Some years after it was built, the Mississippi 
broke over its banks, and formed a channel so near the 
fort, that one side of it, and two of its bastions were thrown 
down. This circumstance induced the English to aban- 
don it in 1772 ; and since that period the inhabitants Iraw: 
t;»ken away great quantities of materials from it to , J 'u 
their own buildings. 



UPrilR LOUISIANA. 035 

In summer the winds in Upper Ijouisiana are varioble, 
though those from the south and south west are the most 
prevalent. Those from the north east and east an: pro- 
ductive of considerable huniiditj- in the air j and if they 
blow with violence they are usually attended with rain, 
probably because they pass over the great reservoirs of 
fresh water on the borders of Canada. Westerly winds 
are common ; they cool the air, and render it less humid, 
and more easy of respiration ; they are sometimes attend- 
ed with thunder, and heavy sh(;wers of rain. These 
brace the system ; while those from the southern and o- 
ther quarters create lassitude and sluggishness. 

It is observed in the notes on A irginia, that, as we pro- 
ceed westward from the Atlantic, the heats gradually abate 
till we arrive at the summit of the Allegheny mountains ; 
and that from thence to the iMississippi they gradually in- 
crease. As these mountains are much nearer to the Adantic 
ocean than to the Mississippi, it seems to follow that the 
heats are greater at the latter than at the former place in the 
same latitude ; and this indeed is the fact. It is estima- 
ted, that these mountains are on an average, about two 
hundred miles from the Atlantic Ocean. They stretch 
along through the back part of Georgia, and terminate in 
a cluster of sand hills near the line of demarcation ; But 
more to the northward they gradually diverge from the 
Mississippi, so that in latitude forty degrees north, they 
are about seven hundred and fifty miles from it. The 
Mexican mountains in the same l.ttitude are rather more 
than six hundred miles to the westward of it ; and from 
the known declivity of the country each way to it, deter- 
mined partly by observation, and partly by the rapidity of 
all the currents, we may readily presume that the Missis- 
sippi rolls its waters through an immense valley, and 
nearly at cqu'dl distances from two lofty and distant moun- 
tains on each side of it. It must be remarked also, that 
2h 



2,36 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the atmosphere in Upper Louisana is never refrigerated 
by the breezes from the ocean. 

The settlements in that country are between the thirty 
third and fortieth degrees of north latitude. The win- 
ters among them are much more severe than in the cor- 
responding latitudes on the sea coast. They generally set 
in about the twentieth of November, and continue till 
near the last of February ; though hard frosts, and even 
snow, are common in October and March. For three 
successive winters, commencing in 1802, the Mississippi 
at St. Louis was passable on the ice before the twentieth 
of December each year ; and it was clear of all obstruc- 
tion, with only one exception, by the last of F'.-bruary. 
In January 18C5, the ice ia that river rather exceeded 
twenty two inches in thickness. There is seldom more 
than six inches of snow on the ground at the same time ; 
but the severity of the weather at St. Louis, in latitude 
thirty eight degrees twenty four minutes north, is generally 
about the same as in the back parts of the state of New- 
Jersey. The mercury frequently falls below ; and the 
cold keeps it depressed as low as ten or fifteen degrees 
for several weeks during each wint^jr. 

If the cold in these regions in winter is greater than 
that in the same parallels of latitude on the sea coast, the 
heat in summer bears a proportionate increase. We can- 
not estimate the degrees of heat by any regular thermo- 
metrical observations, for any number of years : But ia 
the summer of 1805 a thermometer was suspended in a 
large drawing room at St. Louis against a stone partition 
wall, and constantly in a current of air ; and from about 
the last of June to sometime in August, the mercury fre- 
quently rose to ninety six degrees, and remained at that 
point for several houi-s in the day. The heats in this 
quarter v/hile they continue are supposed to be more op- 
pressive than those in the Mississippi territory ; Owing, 



UPPEH LOUISIANA. 037 

perhaps, to tbe greater concentration of the ravs of the 
sun in the deep and spacious valley of the Mississippi. 
They continue, however, only about two months in each 
year in Upper liDuisiana ; whereas they rage with vio- 
lence for at least four moiiths at Xatchcz. 

ilence a stranger mi^ht be apt to conclude, that the cli- 
mate among the upper settlements on the JMississippi is 
unfavourable to health. Experience, however, enables us 
to draw a different conclusion. For reasons mentioned in 
another place, the country between the Arkansas and the 
neighborhood of cape Gcrardeau is deemed kss sa- 
lubrious than the more northern districts. But even here 
the native inhabitants, particularly the French, enjoy as 
much health as the people of any other country, and many 
instances of longevity occur among them. The endemics 
in Upper Louisiana are almost exclusively confined to 
Knglish Americans, who were born and educated in more 
northern climates ; and even these after a residence of one 
or two }ears in the country, generally enjoy a good de- 
j^ree of health. The heats produce lassitude and languor, 
;md «. -cercise becomes irksome. In this state of the bo- 
uilv system, people who live on the borders of great wa- 
ter courses are seized with diseases, generally of the in- 
termittent kind. Those from the eastern and middle 
states are subject to these diseases, especially the first 
summer after their arrival. Those from the southern 
ttates generally enjoy good health. The settlers of all 
descriptions, who plant themselves in the interior at a dis- 
tance from any lurge body of fri.sh water, are seldom at- 
tacked by endemics. It is evident, therefore, that the 
diseases already mentioned are usually superinduced by 
the pestilential vapors, v.hich arise from the rivers, and 
from the decayed vegetable, substances, produced in great 
abundance on the bottoms along the borders of them, 
'j-hese diseases, however, are e.;sily conqu'jrcd by a lew 
simpler,, ar.d the patients soon restored to health. 'I'he 



238 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

general salubrity of the climate is ascertained from this 
circumstance, that fewer people die in it according to 
their number than in most other countries. Pleuritic dis- 
orders are prevalent in the spring in all parts of Louisia- 
na, and these sometimes prove fatal, especially among the 
old people. Flannel worn next the skin, both summer and 
winter, has been fonnd to be an almost certain antidote to 
the endemics of the climate. 

When we consider the intense heats in Upper Louisia- 
na, the vast bodies of fresh water in it, the flat and inun- 
dated grounds in some parts of it, and the extensive dif- 
fusion of vegetable putrefaction, so fruitful of fatal dis- 
eases in other parts of the world, we are naturally led to 
enquire, what is the cause of the uncommon salubrity of 
the climate ? A number of causes may probably unite to 
produce the prevalent health ; but perhaps the most pro- 
minent one may be traced to the vast ledges and preci- 
pices of calcareous rock found in various places on both 
sides of the Mississippi above the lower line of cape Ge- 
rardeau. St. Louis and several other villages are either 
built on, or contiguous to, vast strata of this rock, which 
fortunately appear in those places where vegetable putre- 
faction and the noxious vapors are the most common. No 
other rock, indeed, abounds in the country. Where this 
appears in plenty the people are not often troubled with 
dangerous diseases; and it is well known to physicians 
and chemists, that the properties it contains are either 
calculated to neutralize and to destroy the deleterious qua- 
lities of putrid exhalations, or to prevent the existence of 
them. The city of Lisbon, situated in about thirty-eight 
degrees, north latitude, nearly in the same parallel with 
St. Genevieve, is deemed one of the most healthy spots 
on the globe, and it is resorted to in summer by valetudi- 
narians from almost all the nations of Europe. AVhat 
can be the cause of such a great degree of health in the 
ritv of Lisbon? It is the calcareous rock on which it 



UPPER LOUISIANA. 239 

stands, and of which its houses are built. The very 
streets of that city are excavated from this rock, and the 
clouds of dust raised in ihem by the winds are of a calca- 
reous nature. The villages at a small distance from this 
city, are furnished with silicious stones ; and though 
more elevated, and more fully ventilated by th air, are 
sometimes almost desolated by endemics ; while the capi- 
tal, populated by at least one hundred and twenty thou- 
sand souls, has invariably escaped them. The country in 
most places about the gulf of Mexico is extremely low, 
and the air is so much impregnated by a deadly cfHuvia 
as either to obstruct settlements, or to thin them of their 
inhabitants ; yet there are some very populous villages, 
even in the latitude of La vera Cruz^ founded on beds of 
lime stone, and are surrounded by lofty mountains of 
calcareous rock, in which very little sickness is known, 
and the physicians cannot live by their professions. Cal- 
careous earths not only act on the air, but they neutralize 
the water, and render it wholesome. 

All circumstances considered, the climate in Upper 
Louisiana is favorable to health. If the heats debilitate 
the system, the extreme luxuriancy of the soil admits of 
a partial exemption from labor ; and during the heat of 
the day the laborers usually retire to the shade, and in- 
dulge a temporary indolence. 

Perhaps it may be proper in this place to notice a re- 
mark found in the American travels of JMr. Yolney. lie 
is of opinion, that the country to the eastward of the 
mountains arose in former times from the bed of the 
ocean, because all the vast masses of rock, with which it 
abounds, are jumbled together, and bear evident marks 
of disruption. lie is also of opinion, that the country to 
the westward of the mountains has never been shaken by- 
earthquakes, because all the masses of rock are deposited 
in horizontal strata. 



240 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA. 

The confused disposition of the rorks in the low coun- 
try in the neighborhood of the- sea coast, p ^rticularH^ those 
in Nov England, may perhaps with mnv propriety be 
iTiputed to eanhqviakts thm to a recession of the ocean ; 
for in the history of that part of the union is enumerated 
forty five earthquakes betwern 162 ; and ir->2, a p r;od 
of one hundred and fifty four years; and sonic of th'rm 
not only created alarm, but their progre^js was o?. irked 
with considtrable ruin and disruption. Thc-st- flr^i.idful 
visitations of nature might have occasionally shiikcn the 
borders of the Adantic for ages before they wers discover- 
ed by civilized man, and no doubt some of them disfigur- 
ed the face of the country. It' the shells and oiht^r ma- 
rine substances, found in various places be sufficient to 
prove, that the low country contiguous to the sea ar.se 
from the bed of the ocean, they will also prove, that the 
Andes and other high mountains on our continent emerg- 
ed from the same abyss, and perhaps too the whole of this 
quarter of the globe. Mr. Volney is correct with respect 
to the horizontal strata of rocks in the western country. 
The first apptarancc of .them is near the top of the Alleg- 
heny mountains, and they uniiormly abound on the Ohio 
■and Mississippi. 

But how shall we account for Mr. Volney's ignorance 
of the earthquakes, which have been so frequently expe- 
fienccd in Upper Louisiana ? He spent sf>me time at A in- 
cennes, where he might have obtained correct information 
"on the subject. The fact is, that earthquake s are common 
in that country, and may be traced to the first settlement 
of it. A E< vere sh 'ck was experienced in 1795; and 
the author of these sketches witnessed two others at Kas- 
kaskia in the nights of the twtntii ih and twenty first of 
February 1 804. Their oscillations were nearly from west 
to east ; they produced an undulating motion in the earth 
like the swell of a sea ; the buildings were considerably 



Uf PEIl LOUISIANA. 241 

raised, ard much sh:iken and disjointed; the soldiery 
wtre awr.ktmd from their sleep, and so much alarmed as 
hastily to ybandon their quarters. Not a breath of air 
set UK d to move ; the sky was serene and clear, and the 
moon shone with unclouded lustre. Another shock was 
expi rienced on the nineteenth of the succeeding April; 
but it was not very perceptible. 

Pumice stone of tonsidtrable size have repeatedly been 
found floating down tl)e Missouri; and the existence of a 
volcano on some of its waters is now fully ascertained by 
some late discoveries. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER VII, 



OF LxiND TITLES. 



THE settlers in Louisiana held their lands, both un- 
der the French and Spanish governments, by allodial tenu- 
res. This country was originally discovered ar.d settled 
from Canada, wh^ro. feudal temireszndi a. noblesse GXisud ; 
and the liberality of Louis XIV., in \vhose reign Louisia- 
na was first settled, must be ascribed to the peculiar situa- 
tion of his aff.iirs ; the wars in which he was engaged left 
him no resources to assist the colonists, and he therefore 
resorted to favorable conditions as the best mean<? of pre- 
serving his acquisitions in the new world. Ir ih'- two 
successive grants he made of the colony, first to Crozat 
• 2 I 



244 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

in 1712, and then to the west India company in 1717, the 
principles of allodium are plainly recognized, reserving no- 
thing to himself but liege homage and fidelity^ which every 
subject owes to his sovereign. The same principles were 
recognized by the Spanish government in all its conces- 
sions, though in many other respects it invaded the privi- 
leges of the people as derived from their former sove- 
reigns. 

The first settlements formed by the French on the Mis- 
sissippi were at Kahokia and Kiiskaskia in 1683. These 
villages are on the east side of that river. Daring the 
early part of the last century they conceded some scatter- 
ing tracts of land in the neighborhood of St. Genevieve, 
which were supposed to be impregnated with valuable mi- 
nerals ; but the most ancient archieves of the French au- 
thorities in this quarter are either lost or were removed to 
New Orleans, and therefore no satisfactory information 
can be obtained of these old concessions. 

The oldest French gr.mt on the records ""at St. Louis 
bears date April the twenty seventh, 1766 ; and the French 
authorities continued to concede lands till May 1770, when 
Spain took possession of Upper Louisiana under the trea- 
ty of 1762. These concessions were made by St. Ange, 
the commandant, and by Lafebvre, succeeded by La Bus- 
siere, both of whom are styled judges. It is probable 
that some of their concessions were never registered ; and 
it is also as probable, that others were forfeited or disannull- 
ed, and the lands comprehended in them reconceded. In 
the years 1770, 1771, and 1772, sixty four concessions, 
mostly French, comprising four thousand eight hundred 
arpents, were surveyed by order of the first Spanish com- 
mandant. Even so late as 1788 no more than six thou- 
sand four hundred arpents had been surveyed in the dis- 
trict of St. Louis. 

Particular care was taken in 1804, soon after the Unit- 
ed States took possession of Upper Louisiana, to have all 



OF LAND TITLES. 245 

the land titles properly registered. Probably some few 
were omitted ; but it is presumed, that these omissions 
will have no sensible effect on the general result. The 
quantity of land actually surveyed was accurately ascer- 
tained from the office of the surveyor general, where all 
surveys are recorded, and it amounted to eight hundred 
and sixty eight thousand seven hundred and seventy one 
arpents. The conceded lands not surveyed, though duly 
registered, amounted to eight hundred and fifty two thou- 
sand seven hundred and twenty two arpents ; so that the 
quantity of land claimed in Upper Louisiana under French 
and Spanish titles was one million seven hundred and 
twenty one thousand four hundred and ninety three ar- 
pents ; a quantity by no means exorbitant when compar- 
ed with the population of that country. 

The lands claimed at the Arkansas are not included in 
this estimate, as an accurate account of them could not be 
obtained. 

Titles derived immediately from the crown, or those 
sanctioned by the superior authority at New Orleans, 
were deemed complete. But these formed a very small 
proportion of the whole. Incomplete titles were those de- 
rived from the naked concessions of the lieutenant gover- 
nor, or of the commandants, and unsanctioned by the 
highest representative of the crown at the capital of the 
province. These formed more than nineteen twentieths 
of the whole ; the people felt secure under their conces- 
sions, and most of them were too poor to defray the ex- 
penses of their ratification. 

No lands were conceded, except on applications by way 
of petition, in which the quantity solicited was designat- 
ed ; and these concessions were either general or special. 
They were general when they authorised concessionaries 
to levy them where they pleased on the vacant lands of 
the public domain ; and hence the name of floating or 
running titles. They were special when they designated 



246 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

ctrtn.in metes an : uounds. The former mode was the 
most common, as it put it in the power of the propri- 
etors to select such tracts as suited their convenience, and 
in many instances to secure valuable mines. A proviso 
was usually inserted in the concessions, prohibiting their 
extent on lawful and anterior claims. If this was done 
through mistake, as somefmes happened, they v/ere ex- 
tended on other lands. In many instances after the con- 
cessions were extended, and the surveys made and record- 
ed, the lands included in them were annexed to the do- 
main, and others conceded more beneficial to the settlers 
on their application j — and this exchange became a matter 
of record. 

The terms of petitions and concessions were drawn with 
great exactness ; and those of the latter corresponded with 
those of the former ; if the first were general, so were the 
second, and so on. The same exactness was observed in 
the transfers of lands from one individual to another. In 
both cases they were drawn b)' notaries or other public 
officers, and attested by them; and they were bound to 
insert no conditions in them contrary to law, to religion, 
to mor^ility, or to the interest of the crown. 

All grants and concessions of lands included a number 
of conditions, either expressed or implied. In Upper Lou- 
isiana the proprietor was obliged to clear some land, and 
to build a house within a year and a day, or his claim was 
forfeited, and liable to revert to the domain ; or if he at 
any time abandoned the country without permission to dis- 
pose of his property, the same consequence ensued. In 
addition to these conditions, the grants and concessions in 
Lower Louisiana made it necessary for each proprietor, 
whose land bounded on water courses, to construct dykes 
or levees to secure the country along his own possessions 
from inundation, to open a public road on the top of them, 
to build the necessary bridges, and to keep the whole in 
switable repair at his own expense. Lands, however. 



OF LAND TITLES. 247 

•were seldom annexed to the domain for the non-fulfilment 
of the latter conditions. The roads, levees, and bridges, 
were usually made and repaired by the public when the 
proprietors proved delinquent ; and they were compelled 
to defray the expense. 

The same formnlity and solemnity were observed in the 
annexation of lands to the domain as when they were 
granted or conceded. All annexations were declared by 
an ordinance of Louis XV. in 1743 to be null and void, 
and of no effect, unless they wtrt judicially decreed. The 
same principle obtained under the Spanish authorities, and 
thev deemed it obligatory. 

It will be perceived by the preceding statement, that 
nearly one half of the lands claimed in Upper Louisiana, 
were unsurveved at the time the United States took pos 
session of that country. IMany of the inhabitants, hov.-cv 
er, had made a selection of their lands agreeably to th( 
terms of their concessions, and were cultivating them, and 
their negligence in securing titles arose in most instance. 
from their poverty. Others again had designated tliei: 
lands in an informal manner, but had not taken actual pos 
session of them. The holders of naked concessions, whr. 
had taken no subsequent steps to secure their titles, form- 
ed the most numerous class j and they were able to as- 
sign reasons for the non-extention c>f their claims. Some 
wished to secure valuable mineral lands; but could find 
none to please them. Others were solicitous to extend them 
about the heads of some of the rivers ; but these were ei- 
ther too distant from the settlements, or danger was appre- 
hended from the Indians. Others again resolved to fix 
themselves among the settlements ; it required some time 
to explore the country, and to become acquainted witli 
the various tracts of vacant lands dispersed over it. Ma 
ny of these floating concessions were of an old date, and 
liad regularly passed from one to another by permission ol 
tlie Spanish authorities. 



248 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Before the year 1795 very few surveys were made. 
Those made under the French government were not ac- 
companied with plots, and it does not appear, that they 
were sanctioned by public authority. Indeed, this busi- 
ness for more than twenty years was not sufficiently at- 
tended to by the Spaniards. Surveys were onlv occa- 
sionally ordered, and frequently not till man> years after 
the concessions were made, and the claimants in posses- 
sion of their lands. Hence it was that the surveys order- 
ed by the lieutenant governors were generally of those 
lands conceded by their predecessors. But in 1.95, a 
surveyor general for Upper Louisiana was appointed. 
This was the first appointment of the kind in that coun- 
try. Under him the business soon assumed a systema- 
tic form. He appointed one or more deputies in each of 
the districts ; the fees of survey were established ; an of- 
fice was opened for the registration of land titles ; and as 
the country then begun to be populated, their attention 
was gradually drawn to the duties of their profession. 

The right to concede lands in Upper Louisiana was 
vested in the lieutenant governor. It was usual for the 
commandants and syndecs to recommend settlers, and to 
certify, that the lands solicited by them were vacant. 
Concessionary titles were incomplete till confirmed by the 
supreme authority at New Orleans. The right of con- 
firmation was formerly vested in the governor general : 
But on the seventeenth of July 1799, it was transferred 
to the tribunal of finance, as appears by a letter of office 
of that date, and received in St, Louis sometime in Oc- 
tober of that year. Soon after this period, however, the 
assessor of his tribunal died, and co ifirmations were sus- 
pended. The crown neglected to fill the vacancy, pro- 
bably in consequence of the retrocession of the colony; 
and to relieve the setders from the embarrassment and ex- 
pense of sending their claims to New Orleans, the intend- 
ant general wrote to the lieutenant governor under date of 



OP LAND TITLES. 249 

December first 1P02, not to permit any more concessioiis 
to he forwarded till his majestj^ was pleased to organize 
the tribunal ot finance by the appointment of a new as- 
sessor. The settlers, indeed, were too poor at first to pay 
the fees of confirmation, and the subsequent derangement 
of the tribunal of finance put it out of their power lo com- 
plete their titles. 

About the year 1796, Spain found it necessary to popu- 
late Upper Louisiana as a barrier to the English in Cana- 
da, and she gave great encouragmeut to settlers ; she pre- 
ferred those from the United Suites, as their prejudices 
against the English were a sure guarantee of their attach- 
ment io tiie Spanish interest. Lands were gratuitously 
given tht m, and they were exempted from taxes. The 
fees of office, and the survey of eight hundred acres, cost 
forty one dollars only exclusive of the hire of chainmen. 
To these expenses must be added the fees of confirma- 
tion at New Orleans. These liberal encouragements, the 
fertility of the lauds, and the prospect of mineral riches, 
in Upper Louisiana, extended the stream of population 
(hitherto limited to regions on the Ohio) to that country. 

It is by no means difficult to ascertain the precise ex- 
tent of the powers of the lieutenant governor in the con- 
cession of lands. True it is, that the land laws of the first 
Spanish governor, general O'Reilly, bearing date Febru-',^' 
arv the seventeenth 17<'0, and those subsequently made by 
Morales, the intendant general, d.>t d July the seventeenth 
1799, impose restrictions on the subordinate authorities, 
and allow only eight hu idred arpents to he conceded to 
each head of a family. But these laws were never consi- 
dered in any other light th-^n as general rules ^ liable to ex- 
ceptions when cases occurred to justify them. The set- 
tlers wep: usually poor, and eight hundred arpents to each 
were deemed sufficient. Some of the commandants were 
stationed from three hundred to one thousand miles from 
the capital, and could not speedily communicate with the 



250 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

great officers of the crown ; nor could all of them be in- 
trusted with discretionarv powers. These land laws 
were partly intended to prevent improper speculations a- 
mong the subordinate authorities, and partly to allure set- 
tlers to the country. 

Besides, O'Reilly frequently departed from the tenor 
of his own laws, and his successors followed the example : 
Nor will it be pretended, that they were absolutely bound 
by them. The governor general was authorised by the 
crown to regulate the grants and concessions of lands, and 
he had an unquestionable right to abrogate them wholly, 
or to alter or modify them as he pleased. The laws of 
O'Reilly did not bind his successors any more than the 
laws of one legislature bind a succeeding one : Each ne- 
cessarily possessed a discretionary power over the general 
regulations of his predecessors, and was at liberty to in- 
crease or to diminish the privileges bestowed on settlers, 
provided no infringement was made of the rights secured 
by anterior grants and concessions. This discretionary 
power was exercised by several successive governors gene- 
ral. Between the years 1790 and 1798 they confirmed a 
variety of concessions, each of which embraced a square 
league, and some of them a still greater quantity. One of 
them comprehended the most productive lead mine in the 
countrv. Another called for eight thousand two hundred 
and fifty arpents of valuable land in the neighborhood of 
St. Louis. All these confimations or ratifications were in 
consequence of the concessions previously made by the 
lieutenant governors of Upper Louisiana. 

This is sufficient to prove the existence of a discretiona- 
ry power in the governors general; and it also authorizes 
the inferrence, that the same power was vested in the res- 
pective lieutenant governors of Upper Louisiana. In the 
first place it may be observed, that they always exercised 
it, and it is difficult to presume, that they would contra- 
vene the known laws of their superiors without instruc- 



OF LAND TITLES. 2j1 

tions to that effect. In all their concessions they were re- 
gulated by the wealth and importance of the settlers. To 
the ordinary poor they seldom conceded more in the 
first instance than three or four hundred arpents, though 
they were always ready to make additions as the ability 
to cultivate increased. To those of wealth and influence 
they conceded several thousand arpents ; for, as their 
great object was to populate the country, they adopted 
such measures as were the most likely to produce the ef- 
fect. As an instance of this we need only refer to the set- 
tlement of New Madrid in 1787. The governor general 
at first imposed considerable restrictions on the comman- 
dant relative to the concession of lands ; but he afterwards 
found it necessary to be more liberal than even the land 
laws of O'Reilly. In July 1789 he wrote to the comman- 
dant as follows : " Notwithstanding the instructions here- 
" tofore sent you, more or less front or depth may be giv- 
" en according to the exigency of the ground, os likewise 
*' a greater or less quantity of land, agreeably to the -wealth 
" of the grantee.''^ This post was at that time immediate- 
ly dependant on the superior authority at New- Orleans. 
It was annexed to the government of Upper Louisiana in 
August 1799. 

Besides, it may be doubted whether the land laws of 
O'Reilly ever operated in Upper Louisiana. They bear 
date nearly three months before the Spaniards took pos- 
session of that part of the country, at which time there 
existed only a few miserable huts in it: The first settle- 
ment commenced only four years before. These lurid 
laws contain twelve articles. The operation of ihe first 
seven was evidently restricted to the island of Orleans, 
and that of the other five extended in part to the same 
place, but more particularly to the Apalousas, Atakapas, 
and Nachitoches. They regulated the grants and con- 
cessions of lands at these several posts, and in no particu- 
lar did they refer to Upper Louisiana. Indeed, the regu- 



232 SKETCHES OF LOLISIAXA. 

lations contained in them were totally inapplicable to that 
part of the country, and the Spanish authorities there al- 
ways conceded lands on principles not derived from them. 

The land laws of Morales contain thirty eight articles. 
The first nine are the same in substance as the first seven 
in the land laws of O'lleilly, and the subsequent twenty 
nine were either intended to explain the preceding ones, 
or to regulate the grants and concessions of lands in the 
Apalousas, Atakapas, Mobile, and Pensacola. They 
make no mention of Upper Louisiana. 

It is believed, that these laws were never in force ; cer- 
tain it is, that they were never carried into efftct. The 
reason for the first is, that the great clamor raised against 
them in all parts of the province induced the governor ge- 
neral and Cabildo to draw up a strong protest against them^ 
and to lay it before the king. The consequence was, that 
Morales was removed from office; though he was afterwards 
reinstated merely to assist in transfering the possession of 
the country to the French republic. The reason for the 
second is, that the assessor died soon after they were pro- 
mulgated, which totally deranged the tribunal of finance, 
and rendered it incapable of making or confirming land 
titles. 

These land laws were exclaimed against as extortionate 
and oppresive ; extortionate, because they made it neces- 
sary for a concession to pass through four, and in some 
instances, seven offices, before a complete title could be 
procured, in which the fees exacted, in consequence of 
the studied ambiguity of the thirtieth article, frequently 
amounted to more than the value of the conceded lands ; 
oppressive, not only because the settler was deprived of 
his original papei's, but because the twenty second article 
declared all concessions void, unless forwarded for con- 
firmation within six months after the publication of the 
laws at the several posts. This was tantamount to a re- 
union of all the lands of settlers to the domain. Not one 



OF LAND TITLES. 253 

in fifty was able to transmit the evidences of his claim, 
and to defray the expenses of his title, within so short a 
period as six months. Besides, thtse laws reserved to the 
government the privileges of taxation, and nothing could 
render them more unpopular. 

A\ hile the governor general was at the head of the fi- 
nance, liis legal representative in Upper Louisiana was 
the lieutenant governor, to whom was confided a discre- 
tionary power relative to the concession of lands, and the 
affairs of the Indians; though his proceedings were lia- 
ble to revision and control. When the new department 
of finance was created in 1799, at the head of which was 
the intendant, the lieutenant governor became his sub-de- 
legate, and was invested with the same discretionary 
power, though he acted with reluctance under his new su- 
perior. 

The first laws passed by congress relative to the land 
titles in Louisiana, excited much alarm and apprehension 
among the people of that country. They contended, that 
the United States had no right to enquire, whether the 
Spanish authorities had exceeded their powers in the con- 
cession of lands; because such an enquiry would militate 
against the treaty, and against that full faith and credit, 
which one nation was bound to put in the olficial acts and 
proceedings of another. They also contended that, if the 
Spanish authorities exceeded their powers, and we chose 
to remedy the evils occasioned by it, the dispute rested 
between the two nations, and not between the claimants 
and the United States. 

Suspicions have been entertained that, near the close of 
the Spanish government in Upper Louisiana, the property 
of the United States was attacked by ante-dated conces- 
sions. Before we proceed to enquire into the number 
and extent of these, it may be proper to observe, that ma- 
ny of these suspicions arose from other causes not diffi- 
cult to explain. No sooner was it understood, that the 



254 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

country was ceded, than an extraordinary rise in the va- 
lue of the lands was contemplated, and all those entitled 
to them solicited concessions and obtained them. Among 
these were most of the French inhabitants, who had hith- 
erto contented themselves with house-lots, and had no dis- 
position to resort to agriculture, at least so long as they were 
able to navigate the rivers, pursue the chase, or the Indian 
trade. AVhat were called their head rights, added to the 
unextended concessions in the hands of English Ameri- 
cans, embraced about thirteen hundred thousand arpents. 
They deemed it expedient to extend their concessions, and 
to procure surveys ; the consequence was, that near the close 
of 1803, every surveyor in the country was employed, and 
a much greater quantity would have been surveyed, ha/i 
there existed a sufficient number of men capable of the 
business. Add to this, they extended their claims on the 
most valuable lands in the country, particularly on mine- 
ral lands ; and to these circumstances may be traced many 
of the suspicions of ante-dated titles. 

Other circumstances equally inauspicious contributed 
to these suspicions. The boundary marks fixed about 
some tracts of land, particularly about an extensive tract 
in the neighborhood of St. Louis, had become either de-. 
faced or destroyed. Just before the United States took 
possession of the country, a re-survey was directed, and 
new boundary marks established, in consequence of a pro- 
ces verbal for the purpose ; and this gave rise to injurious 
imputations. Most of the land included in the bounda- 
ries was conceded to various settlers by the French autho- 
rities ; the remainder was conceded by the Spanish au- 
tl^orities soon after they were established in the country j 
the whole of which came into the hands of the present 
proprietor by purchase. Some unextended concessions 
also appeared about this period, bearing date several 
years before, and signed by the predecessor of the last 
lieutenant governor, which created a belief, that the;. 



OF LAND TITLES. 255 

were fraudulently obtained. The fact was, that a settler 
from the United States, designing to persuade ten of his 
old friends and neighbors to establisli themselves about 
him, applied to the lieutenant governor for as many con- 
cessions, to whom he paid the customary fees of office j 
but he was unable to furnish him with the names. Soon 
after this, on the twenty ninth of August 1799, he was su- 
perceded in his office ; on the same day he filed ten con- 
cessions for eight hundred arpents each in the office of 
the surveyor general, directed him to insert the names of 
such settlers as should be furnished him by their agent, who 
had originally applied for the concessions, and to deliver 
ihem accordingly. The settlers eventually applied for their 
concessions ; but when they found them signed by a man, 
who had been several years out of office, they concluded them 
to be fraudulent, and a few only were accepted. The remain- 
der of them were deposited in the office of the surveyor ge- 
neral. Another circumstance, equally pregnant with suspi- 
cions of fraud, must be here inserted. The land laws of IMo- 
rales were deemed extremely rigorous, and it was readily 
conjectured that, if they applied to Upper Louisiana, the ci- 
tizens of the United States would hesitate to become subjects 
of Spain on the conditions they prescribed. The lieutenant 
governor, therefore, resolved to evade them ; which he 
did by inserting as a date in the concessions the latter part 
of 1799, or the early part of 1800, so as to bring them 
within the purview of those discretionary powers and 
privileges, which were derived from the governor general. 

The above statement is the more necessary, as some oJ 
the circumstances contained in it, have been incorrectly 
stated to the government, published to the world, and re- 
lied on as instances of fraud. The reader will judge for 
himself. 

It must be admitted, that some fraudulent and ante-dnt 
ed concessions were issued just at the close of the Spanish 
government in Upper Louisiana ; and we shall now pro- 



256 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

ceed to enquire into the nature and extent of them. la 
the first place, it cannot be pretended, that any of these 
culpable concessions bear date prior to the twenty ninth 
of August 1799, when the last lieutenant governor enter- 
ed on the duties of his office. In the second pltce, it is 
hardly necessary to include under this description any of 
those embracing small quantities of land only ; because, 
if any such exist, they were generally given to actual set- 
tlers, who were entitled to head rights. Frauds therefore 
must be sought after in concessions, in which are included 
tracts of land of greater magnitude ; and it is hardly pro- 
bable, that the cupidity of speculators would be gratified 
with less than a league square. Twenty six concessions 
exist, derived from the last lieutenant governor, each of 
which embraces a league square, or more, of land. Thir- 
teen of them bear date in 1799, nine in 1800, two in IbOl, 
one in 1802, and one in 1803. They comprise two hun- 
dred and seventy one thousand seven hundred and fifty 
two arpents. Of this quantity, one hundred and twenty 
one thousand four hundred and forty eight arpents, con- 
tained in twelve concessions, were regularly surveyed, 
'^riie remainder, one hundred and fifty thousand three 
hundred and four arpents contained in fourteen conces- 
sions, were in the hands of the several claimants at the 
time the United States took possession of the country. 
Such a number of extensive concessions, mostly bearing 
date ill 1799 and 1800, when a few only of this descrip- 
tion are to be found of prior or subsequent dates, certain- 
ly furnishes good ground to suspect their legitimacy. No 
doubt some of them are genuine, but it will hi', diffirult to 
distinguish them from those of a spurious nature; partly 
because the claimants have no evidence of their actual 
dates, and partly because such evidence, if demanded, 
seems contrary to the rules of lav/ : The record must 
prove itself. 



or LAND TITLLS. 25/ 

Of the quantity mentioned in the above unsurveyed 
concessions, fifty eight thousand two hundred and twenty 
four arpcnts, are included in those of a running or float- 
ing nature ; and the remaining ninety two thousand and 
eighty arpents, are embraced by special concessions. 

There is good reason to believe, that sixty two thou- 
sand and fifty six arpents of the surveyed lands, divided 
among four persons, as also eighty three thousand and 
fifty six arpents of the unsurveyed lands, divided among 
five persons, were conceded to them as compensations for 
long and faithful services. The Spanish government ne- 
ver gave any salaries to its provincial officers ; nor anv 
gratuities in money to those who, amid dangers and at a 
gi'eat expense, explored unknown regions, and made use- 
ful discoveries ; but when compensations were solicited, 
it was usual to bestow tracts of land instead of money. 

In addition to what is already stated, there exists three 
concessions of a less suspicious nature, embracing large 
tracts of land. The first is supposed to cover a valuable 
lead mine ; but from the number of concessionaries men- 
tioned in it, the shares are reduced to four hundred ar- 
pents each, most of whom are actual settlers, and had 
lands promised them on their first arrival in the ccuiitr}-. 
The second is supposed to be of considerable extent; it is 
described by metes and bounds; but as the several courses 
ard distances between them are not accurately defined, 
the quantity cannot be ascertained. The third, from the 
nature and extent of it, deserves a particular description. 
A tract of one hundred and two thousand eight hundred 
and ninety six arpents was conceded November the third 
1799 to a catholic clergyman now in Upper Louisiana, 
who is an Irishman by birth. His petition states in sub- 
stance, " that the duke of Alcadia, minister of state, and 
" of universal despatches for the Indies was desirous of 
" bringing from Ireland many cadiolic families to setde 
" in Upper Louisiana, as appeared by a letter of Don 



258 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

" Thomas O'Ryan, almoner of honor to his catholic ma- 
" jesty, and confessor to the queen, written in English, 
" and addressed to the petitioner by the order of said mi- 
" nister of state ; wherein the government engaged to 
" build a church on their arrival in the most suitable place 
" for their settlement, leaving it with the petitioner to so- 
" licit of the government the necessary domain lands;" 
and therefore he prays, " that one hundred and two thou- 
" sand eight hundred and ninety six arpents, between the 
" black waters, and the branches which descend into White 
*' river, may be conceded for the causes mentioned." It 
appears by the decree of the lieutenant governor, that the 
letter of O'Ryan above referred to, and written by order 
of the minister of state, had been presented to him by tiie 
petitioner ; in consequence of which, and in conformity to 
the disposition of the governor general Gayoso, as appear- 
ed by his order of September the third, 1797, he " grants 
" to the petitioner the quantity solicited, and in the place 
" required ;" and then directs " the surveyor general to 
" put him in possession of the said quantity, in the place 
" mentioned, when those interested should make the de- 
*' mand ;" and that " after his operations he should fona 
" the figurative plan, and deliver it to the party, with his 
" petition, so that it might serve him to solicit a tide in 
*' form from the intendant general of these provinces." 
This concession was never extended on the lands embrac- 
ed by it ; nor did any Irish catholics attempt to avail them- 
selves of the pious and benevolent designs of his catholic 
majesty. 

During the time the author of these sketches was first 
civil commandant of Upper Louisiana, the Spanish re- 
cords were in his possession ; and on them the preceding 
statement is founded. Decisive and successful measures 
were taken to ascertain the quantity of land comprehend- 
ed in the unextended concessions, which were then in the 
hands of the several claimants. 



OF LAND TITLES. 259 

The mode of granting and conceding lands in Lower 
Louisiana was sinnilar in all respects to the one already 
described ; though incumbered with more conditions ; and 
as the settlers were nearer the capital, and generally more 
wealthy, many of them in the first instance obtained com- 
plete titles. 

The quantity of land actually granted and conceded in 
liower Louisiana before we took possession of it, cannot 
be estimated with certainty, because under the Spanish go- 
vernment, individual claims were never recorded till af- 
ter the surveys were made, and at the time alluded to a 
vast number of unextended concessions were scattered a- 
mong the settlers. An idea of the quantity, however, may 
be formed from other data. The country on the Lower 
Mississippi is not open and champaign like that in Upper 
Louisiana, where settlers may fix themselves at pleasure, 
but the land capable of tillage is confined to narrow bor- 
ders along the rivers and other streams, where most of 
the settlements are made. The plantations front these ri- 
vers and streams, and almost invariably extend one mile 
and an hali back, each of which comprehends more or 
less ot swamp. By ascertaining the extent of these bor- 
ders, wheie lands were granted and conceded, the quanti- 
ty claimed in Lower Louisiana under French and Spanish 
titles amounts to more than three millions of arpents, or 
French acres. In this quantity is comprehended the lands 
supposed to be claimed in the Atakapas, Apalousas, and 
on the Washita. 

Will the United States permit the sale of the public 
lands in Louisiana, .md b) this measure encourage the 
settlement of that country ? This question is of some 
importance in a national point of view ; it p-'rticularly re- 
gards the interests of a growing people, and deserves a 
more critical examination than we aie able to give it. 

It has been suggested that, the more effectually to pro- 
mote the national interests, we must first dispose of the 
2l 



260 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

public lands on the east side of the Mississippi ; except, 
perhaps, some small tracts about the Washita and Red ri- 
ver, and between these and the gulf. 

If such a measure be contemplated, it probably results 
from an apprehension, that such settlements will disperse 
our population, as also our capitals employed in commerce 
and manufactures, and at the same time lessen the value 
of the public domain. This apprehension seems to be 
grounded on the experience of foreign states engaged in 
colonization. Some of these states have wasted their 
strength on their foreign possessions, and if happily they 
survive them, it is to witness their own progressive im- 
becility, though their coffers may be filled with the wealth 
of Peru and the Indies. The situation of the United 
States with respect to Louisiana is materially different 
from that of the European nations with respect to their 
colonies; and therefore we have a right to calculate on 
very different results. Louisiana is not a distant colony 
divided from the United States by the ocean ; it is no 
snore separated from them than one state from another ; 
it servvis only to extend our boundaries, not to create a fo- 
reign possession ; so that while colonization, in general, 
necessarily draws after it the weaUh and strength of the 
mother country, the extension of our territory gives a 
greater activity to our capitals and population, without 
the least diminution of either. If this extension of terri- 
tory renders the union less compact, its wealth and phy- 
sical resources less combine J, and not so easily drawn into 
active operation in times of public danger, it is an evil of a 
temporary nature, and it has a remedy in the rapid in- 
crease of wealth and population in the Atlantic States. 

If our population be less than that of some of the states 
of Europe, it by no means follows, that a dispersion of it 
will have the sa ne pernicious effect. The immense popu- 
lation of Great Britain, France, and Germany, (about one 
hundred and thirty souls to each square mile) is necessa- 



OF LAND TITLES. 261 

ry to carry on their extensive commerce and manufac- 
tures, and to fill their armies and navies ; and the more 
their popuhuion becomes dispersed, the more exposed 
they are to the inroads of their enemies, and the less able 
ihey are to extend their commerce and manufactures, by 
which some -of them exist and are supported. 

On the contrary, our army and navy, except in case of 
•war, >vill employ but few of our citizens; our navigation 
only, is considerable j manufactures to any considerable 
extent can never be introduced into the United States, be- 
cause we can always purchase cheaper than we can make. 
Our Vajcant lands, obtained too on moderate conditions, 
will continue to keep up the price of labor. We are a na- 
tion of agriculturists, destined by providence to furnish 
Europe and the islands with provisions and raw materi- 
als; and no part of the world is better calculated for such 
supplies than the country on the Mississippi and its wa- 
ters, Our manufactures must necessarily be limited to 
such coarse fabrics as are in common use among the peo- 
ple ; to lead, salt, flour, iron, steel, and to such other ar- 
ticles as are of importance to navigation, and to the agri- 
cultural and mechanical professions. We cannot, there- 
fore, draw any argument from the population of any given 
"territory in Europe to prove the paucity of our own over a 
surface of the same extent ; because there the wealth and 
strength of a nation depend on commerce and manufac- 
tures, and on a crowded population without land to supply 
it wholly with the means of subsistence ; here our wealth 
and strength are mostly derived from the tillage of our 
fields, the 'raw materials we are able to furnish, and the 
extent of our landed possessions. The population of some 
of the eastern states (upwards of sixty to each square 
viXnile) is found too great for the quantity of land. This 
'compels one part of the people to navignte the ocean, and 
no small proportion of the other to remove to less popu- 
lous regions. They have settled large tracts of vacant 



262 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

lands in the upper part of the state of Xew York. They 
have also fonncd extensive settlements on th Ohio, and 
great numbers of them have penetrated to the Mississippi. 
All this proves that, when a given extent of territory fur- 
nishes a greater population than can be usefully employed 
in agriculture, it will dissipate, and gradually find its way 
to the western country, where the vacant lands are good 
and prolific in the extreme. We ought to avoid the evils 
incident to the laborious artisans of a manufacturing na- 
tion — ignorance, povert}-, disease, and the premature waste 
of the human constitution. 

Capitalists will naturally turn their attention to the 
Lower Mississippi. Agriculturists of moderate pro- 
perty will prefer a more northern situation, will plant 
themselves in Upper Louisiana rather than in the Illinois 
or Indiana territories. These territories, indeed, contain 
large bodies of excellent lands, especially on the Ohio, 
Wabash, and some other rivers ; but they have their shai-e of 
bad and indifferent lands. A small part only of that ex- 
tensive tract between the Mississippi and Vincennes, ex- 
tending along the post-road for nearly one hundred and 
fifty miles, will ever be settled. The scarcity of wood 
and water furnish insuperable objections to it. Hence it 
is, that settlers entertain a predilection for the lands in 
Upper Louisiana, where the same inconveniences do not 
exist, where the soil is of the first quality, and where they 
can be accommodated with numerous streams suitable fiar 
mills and other purposes. If the government makes no pro- 
vision for the sale of lands in this quarter, it is to be fear- 
ed, that trespasses will be frequent ; and that, as the squat- 
ters increase in number, difficulties will arise between 
them and the United States. 

Louisiana is particularly exposed to the inroads of tlie 
Indians. An immense number of tribes, and some of 
them pov/erful, inhabit the extensive regions on the west 
side of the Mississippi. Their depredat-ions are frequent, 



OP LAND TITLES. 263 

and they entertain no fear of punishment ; our ordinary 
force, especially in Upper Louisiana, including the militia, 
is not sufficient to create any alarm among them. They 
are extremely bold in their threats ; and perhaps one rea- 
son why they hold us so cheap is, that they have never 
been at war with us, and were never beaten by the whites. 
They frequently committed hostilities under the Spanish 
govt-rnment, though no regular war was carried on, and 
the Spanish authorities as often purchased a peace of them. 
This encouraged them to repeat their hostilities, and to 
ridicule the want of courage and dexterity in the whites. 
One instance, among many others, may be adduced to 
explain the character of the Missouri Indians. While a 
kind of predatory war raged in 1794 between one of their 
tribes and the whites, a peace was concluded in a singular 
manner : A war chief, with a party of his nation, boldly 
entered St. Louis, and demanded an interview with the 
lieutenant governor, to whom he said, " we have come 
*' to offer you peace ; we have been at war with you ma- 
*' ny moons, and what have we done ? Nothing. Our war • 
*' riors have tried every means to meet your's in battle; 
" but you will not, you dare not fight us ; you are a par- 
" eel of old women. "What can be done with such a peo- 
" pie but to make peace, since you will not fight ? I come, 
*' therefore, to offer you peace, and to bury the hatchet ,- 
" to brighten the chain, and again to open the way be- 
*' tween us." The Spanish government was obliged to 
bear this insult with patience, and to grant the desired 
peace. The faculty of ratiocination is denied to these 
sons of nature ; they derive more conviction from what 
they actually experience and feel than from what they 
see and hear ; and nothing but the exercise qf superior 
power can restrain them from bloody deeds. 

Ilcrnce results the policy of furnishing Louisiana with a 
population adt quate to self-defence. The more efll ctual- 
Jy to accomplish this object, perhaps the settlers ought to 



264 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

be restricted to certain prescribed limits. If they be suf- 
ferred to spread over a great extent of territory, their 
strength cannot easily be concentrated. Their divided 
and detached situations will serve to invite hostilities, and 
probably enable the Indians to destroy them in detail. 
Natural and prescribed boundaries already exist, within 
which the settlements should be formed. 

The vacant lands in Lower Louisiana are mostly to be 
found in the Atakapas and Apalousas, on Red river and 
the Washita. These lands are, in general, of an excellent 
quality, and not encumbered with Indian or Spanish claims. 
No other incitement is necessary to a speedy settlement, 
than the passage of a law, authorizing the sale of them. 

It would be well to restrict the settlements in Upper 
Louisiana to the following boundaries : Beginning at the 
mouth of the river St. Francis ; thence up that river to 
the source of its main westerly branch ; thence a short dis- 
tance due north to the river Merimak ; thence up that river 
to a line, which, drawn due west, shall intersect the mouth 
of the Gasconade, a branch of the Missouri ; thence on 
the dividing line between the United States, and the Sacks 
and Foxes, as agreed on in the treaty of 1804, to the Jaf- 
freon, a branch of the Mississippi. That part of the tract 
below the Merimak, and situated between the St. Francis 
and Mississippi, is about four hundred and sixty miles 
long, following the course of the latter river, and of va- 
rious widths ; about fifty five or sixty miles at St. Gene- 
vieve and cape Gerardeau, and between twenty and thirty 
miles at New-Madrid ; and it gradually narrows as it ap- 
proaches the confluence of the two rivers. The mouth of 
the Gasconade is about ninety miles up the Missouri ; nnd 
the mouth of the Jaffreon, on the west bank of the Missis- 
sippi, about one hundred miles above the junction of these 
great rivers. These boundaries include all the white set- 
tlements, and a sufficient territory for a respectable popu- 
lation. The extent of this territory along the west bank 



OF LAXD TITLES. 205 

of the Mississippi, is nearly six hundred miles. Xearly 
one halt" of it was conceded to settlers by the French and 
Spanish authorities. The remainder belongs to the Unit- 
ed States, and is now at their disposal. The vacant lands 
are divided into a great variety of tracts, scattered here 
and there among the settlements, and if they remain un- 
sold, a compact population cannot be formed. "NVere they 
granted to actual settltrs, a strong cordon would soon be 
drawn across our extensive and exposed frontiers, the In- 
dians kept in awe, and the necessity of a regular force in 
those regions, at least to any considerable extent, in a great 
measure cease to exist. 

liouisiana possesses a variety of climates and soils, ad- 
apted to the views and circumstances of every class in 
society. The people can exchange commodities with each 
other to advantage. Those of the north already furnish 
provisions and raw materials, and those ot the south are 
equally capacitated to remit the conveniences and luxu- 
ries of life. This mutual dependance serves to strength- 
en the bands of society, and to perpetuate national friend- 
ships. No doubt such ligamentous relations were de- 
signed by the Almighty for the most beneficent purposes, 
and it would be something worse than folly to oppose the 
arrangements he has made. 

It is a well known fact, that the stream of population 
generally inclines to the north, and this may be accounted 
for on rational principles. Murh the greatest proportion of 
mankind depend on manual labor for support. The heats 
of the south are supposed to torbid this occupation ; while 
the pure atmosphere of the north strengthens and invigo- 
rates the human constitution. Lower Louisiana is adapt- 
ed to the culture of cotton, rice, tobacco, and sugar ; and 
these require large capitals. All kinds of grain, meats, 
and vegetables, are the products of Uppci- Louisiana ; and 
settlers of moderate resources, who aim to acquire the 
substantials of life only, will naturally resort to it, where 



266 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

also a considerable traffic may be carried on in peltrv, 
lead, and salt. The lands in many parts of the Atlantic 
states, perhaps by long culture, have become greatly im- 
poverished, and some considerable slave holders, who now 
find it difficult to subsist, would soon with the same 
means accumulate fortunes on the Lower Mississippi. In 
no other part of the United States can each good slave 
yield his master from two hundred and fifty to three hun- 
dred dollars ch-ar annual profit ; and the expense of remov- 
ing families to that quarter by way of the rivers would be 
inconsiderable. The same comparative advantages would 
result to agriculturists, were they to exchange their posses- 
sions on the east side of the Allegheny for lands of a 'more 
prolific nature in Upper Louisiana, where provisons of all 
sorts can be procured more abundantly, and with less labor. 

When the United States first took possession of Louisi- 
ana, the lands had no fixed value ; they cost actual set- 
tlers no more than the fees of office, and the expenses of 
surveys. About that period, large quantities of land 
were offered for sale at twenty five cents per acre ; but as 
soon as it was understood that the United States would 
postpone the sale of public lands, the people began to es- 
timate the value of their own more highly ; and in less 
than three years after the cession, it was difficult to pur- 
chase good lands, in eligible situations, under two dollars 
per acre. In fine, the cession raised the general mass of 
property in Louisiana more than four hundred per centum. 

On the subject of promoting the settlement of Louisia- 
na, and indeed of the Mississippi territory, various consi- 
derations of a political nature present themselves. Among 
them, that of providing for the national defence, is cer- 
tainly important. In case war be declared against us by 
any foreign power, (and in the present state of the world 
we have no right to claim exemption from that calamity) 
the blow will probably be directed to that quarter. We 
shall then experience the necessity of a strong population 



OF LAXn TITLES. 267 

to sustain at least the first attack, and to furnish the means 
ol successful opposition. As an incUicement to emigra- 
tion, perhaps it would be well to present each actual set- 
tler with a certain quantity of land. A wise and virtu- 
ous government will endeavor to anticipate events, and 
not postpone the preparation of suitable remedies for pro- 
babl'. evils. In fine, we cannot populate Louisiana, par- 
ticularly the lower JMississippi, too soon ; and our inter- 
est requires, that this popui:.tion should consist of men 
habituated to agriculture, and educated in the principles 
of our laws and coisiitution. 



2 M 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER Vra. 



GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. 



FROM what has been said in other parts of this 
work, a copious exposition of the government and laws 
of Louisiana, may be dispensed with in this place. 

Spain, in acquiring new possessions in America, 
deemed it necessary to invest their colonial officers 
with civil and military powers. The numerous enemies 
the Spaniards had to combat, to conquer, and in some 
measure to extirpate, added to the refractory disposition 
of the colonists, served lo perpetuate this union amid the 
various changes, revolutions, and storms, of more than 
three centuries. These powers though exercised by the 



•j,70 SKETCHES OF LOUISIA-N A 

same functlonariesi were really distinct in their natures ; 
and those to whom they were confided acted in different 
capacities in carrying them into effect. Hence the Span- 
ish government in Louisiana was deemed (at least by 
those unacquainted with its structure) of a military na- 
ture, and extremely arbitrary in its principles. Most pro- 
bably there were many abt-rnitions in practice ; but the 
Spanish colonial code contains a complete system of wise 
and unexceptionable rules, calculated to ensure justice, 
and to promote the happiness of the people. 

The treaty of cession of 1762 was never published, 
and its stipulations remain unknown. When Spain came 
into possession of Louisiana under that treaty, she change 
ed almost the whole of the French colonial jurisprudence, 
and only preserved the principles of allodium in their 
grants of lands, and in the settlement and distribution of 
estates al) intestato ; and this was most probably done out 
of respect to the civil law. The substituted code varied 
in some particulars from the one adopted in the other 
Spanish provinces ; and this variance was occasioned by a 
difference in their circumstances. 

The several institutions, by which the Spanish provinces 
in America are governed, have been the work of much 
time and labor. These provinces or possessions were al- 
ways regarded as domains of the crown ; and hence their 
political and civil systems bear some analogy to those of 
the mother country. These were few and simple in their 
infancy, and accommodated only to small and detached 
societies. But when large cities and provinces were cre- 
ated, and population became numerous, they began to as- 
sume a more comprehensive and complex form ; and 
hence has arisen by degrees an extraordinary and magni- 
ficent superstructure, duly proportioned in all its parts, 
;^nd exhibiting the wisdom and ingenuity of the political 
jirtists of several centuries. 



GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. 271 

The provinrial institutions of the Spaniards together 
with the municipal and other laws, have arrived to as 
jnuch perfection as the policy of the government, and the 
circumstances of the people, will admit. These have 
been collected, examined, and digested with great care 
and labor ; such only have been retained as experience 
dictated to be useful, and those of a different character 
were consigned to oblivion. This digest bears the stamp 
of authority in all the provinces, and is denominated the 
code of the Indies. In all cases where the code is silent, 
the general laws of Spain, called the laws of the partidas^ 
prevail in all the tribunals. Many prominent features of 
the Roman jurisprudence are observed in all of them ; and 
they appear inuch more conspicuouslv in the colonial sys- 
tem of Louisiana than in that of any other of the Spanish 
provinces. 

The Roman code, indeed, may be said to have furnish- 
ed laws for the government of Louisiana by adoption. 
These laws regulated the rates of interest among mer- 
chants, and on loans among other descriptions of people. 
They laid down precise rules for the fulfilment of the 
different species of contracts and obligations, and dictated 
the decisions to be given in contestations on the multipli- 
city of grounds incident to them. 

These laws also regulated the formalities of executing 
wills and testaments, noncupatives, donations inter vivos^ 
dispositions mortis causa^ and revocations. They like- 
wise sanctioned the principle of implied revocations ; and 
perhaps this was carried to a greater extent in Louisiana 
than iti any of the United States. It not only embraced 
those cases recognized by our common law, but it consi- 
dered all those legacies and bequests as totally void, where 
the legatees treated the testators with ingratitude, or black- 
ened their memories. 

Bequests of whatever nature to collaterals, and particu- 
larly to strangers, in prejudice of the direct lines of des- 



272 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

cent or ascent, were much discouraged by the laws. This 
is one reason why, in testamentary dispositions, many for- 
malities were required. In the first place, a will was of 
no validity, unless executed in the presence of a notary, 
or some other public officer. In the second place, no less 
than seven witnesses were requisite in some instancfs to 
give effect to bequests. The Spanish laws also regarded 
the sanity of testators, and the particular circumstances 
under which their wills were written and executed with 
more caution, perhaps, than those of other countries. 

No parent could disinht rit his child, except for causes 
expressly recognized by the laws ; as where the latter 
struck, or raised his hand to strike, the former ; or was 
cruel, and inflicted on him any grievous injury ; or refus- 
ed to take care of him when poor or insane ; or to be his 
bail, or to redeem him from prison or captivity, when he 
had the means of doing it ; or accused him of any capital 
offence, except that of treason. Nor could a legitimate 
child, who died without issue, disinherit his parents, or 
other ascendants, except for causes nearly similar to those 
just mentioned. Many other causes of disinherison were 
recognized ; but those already enumerated will afford a 
sufficient idea of the nature of the Spanish laws on this 
point. 

The succession of heirs, whether descendants, as- 
cendants, or collaterals, on the principles of allodium^ to 
estates ab intestato^ was clearly defined j and it was pre- 
dicated on nearly the same principles as those recognized 
by the laws of the several states in the union. The rights 
of primogeniture were never admitted into the laws of 
Louisiana. These laws allowed a reasonable alimony to 
illegitimates, both before and after the death of their pa- 
rents. They paid a particular regard to the dowry of wi- 
dows, and to whatever was secured in marriage contracts. 
They also defined the rights and privileges of infants and 



GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. 273 

minors, provided for their subsistence and education, and 
for the security of their property. 

Children were obliged to support their parents, and 
other ascendants, if they were in need; and the relations 
of the direct ascending line were likewise bound to main- 
tain their needy descendants. 

The laws provided for the partition and distribution of 
estates, and the assignment of dowry. 

They also obliged either party to a suit to disclose on 
interrogatories such facts and papers as were material to 
the dispensation of justice ; and in most respects the tri- 
bunals of Louisiana were guided by the same maxims as 
the chancery courts in England, and those of the same na- 
ture in the United States. 

It would require the ability and industry of an able ju- 
rist to delineate even the leading traits of the laws, by 
which Louisiana was governed. These laws extended to 
all the ramifications of the various concerns in society, and 
afforded such rules as were calculated to direct a just de- 
cision, when properly applied, on all the points liable to 
be litigated among men. But the misfortune was, that 
very few of the public officers, except those attached to 
New Orleans, were acquainted with them. None of them 
were ever published, except one or two hereafter noti- 
ced ; and those disposed to consult them were obliged to 
examine a voluminous digest. This obstacle to legal in- 
formation made it necessary for many of the subordinate 
officers at a distance from the capital to decide according 
to their conceptions of equity, except where they were 
guided by the written instructions of their superiors, 
which generally contained some useful hints dt rived iron 
the civil law, or the code of the Indies. No wonder, 
then, that the Spjnish government in Louisiana was 
deemed 3rbitr iry, and that it was put and kept in opera- 
tion more by the military than by the civil power. 



274 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

O'Reilly, the first Spanish governor general of Louisi- 
ana, (after he had imbued his hands in the best blood of 
the province) was active in providing for the administra- 
tion of justice. He divided the colony into as many dis- 
tricts as were necessary to accommodate the inhabitants ; 
in each of which a commandant was appointed, generally 
taken from the army or militia, and invested with pow- 
ers, civil, criminal, and military, to such extent as was 
deemed proper. Their jurisdictions were subsequently 
extended or abridged as circumstances required. 

The judicial power of the district commandants usual- 
ly extended to the decision of all suits, where the damage 
claimed did not exceed one hundred dollars. An exact 
uniformity, however, was not observed in this particular: 
Some were invested with less, and others with greater au- 
thority. They executed the mandates of their superiors, 
arrested criminals and debtors, extended executions on 
real and personal estate, watched over the public peace, 
and superintended the internal police of their respective 
districts. They received no salaries from the crown, ex- 
cept one hundred dollars per annum to reimburse their 
expenses of stationery. If they belonged to the army, 
their pay, and the established fees of their offices, suppor- 
ted them comfortably. These fees were by no means ex- 
orbitant, except in the settlement of estates ab intestato ; 
they were fixed by a tarif, which all public officers were 
obliged to keep posted up in some conspicuous place in 
their respective offices or houses. 

New Orleans had its alcaids, whose jurisdiction was 
of considerable extent. Syndics, or justices of the peace, 
were placed over small detached settlements in the dis- 
tricts, the nature of whose powers was similar to that of 
the commandants. Notwithstanding their jurisdiction in 
civil causes was limited to twenty dollars; yet it was law- 
ful to institute suits before them for the recoverv of lar- 



GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. Jjrjf 

ger sums, and they were bound to receive and to record 
the tcstinnony oftcred on both sides, and then to remit 
their proceedings to their superiors. 

The Spanish government always encouraged summary 
proceedings. Of plain and incontestcd cases, a record 
was seldom made, unless the judgment or decree was fol" 
lowed by an execution. In cases of magnitude, where 
serious contestations took place, the proceedings were 
sometimes extremely voluminous. 

Creditors presented their petitions, in which they sta- 
ted the nature of their demands. The adverse parties 
Avere permitted to reply ; and hence the written debates 
of the litigants, grounded both on the law and the fact, 
were often extended to great length. 

Upper liouisiana was considered as a province in some 
measure distinct from the lower one, though dependant 
on it. An officer with the title of lieutenant-governor was 
placed over it, who, although he derived his appointment 
from the crown, was bound to conform to the orders of 
the governor and intendant generals in their respective 
departments. He was sub-delegate to the latter officer, 
and as such he superintended the affairs of the finances 
within his jurisdiction, in which was included every thing 
relating to the Indians, to commerce, to the levy and col- 
lection of the public revenue, and to the sale of lands. As 
the subordinate of the governor-general, he was at the 
head of the military ; he appointed as many syndics as 
he pleased, and also nominated his own district comman- 
dants. His authority was without limitation in civil cau- 
ses, and it extended to all criminal matters under the de- 
gree of capital, though his decisions of every kind were 
liable to be reversed on appeals. 

The governor-general and intendant-gencral, were to- 
tally independent of each other in their several depart- 
ments, and had an exclusive control over all suits, and o- 
2 H 



f2fS SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

ther matters, which appertained to their respective juris- 
dictions. 

Antecedent to 1799, the duties of both were confided 
to the governor-general ; but in that year a department 
of finance was created, and an intendant general ap- 
pointed. 

Separate tribunals were constituted to assist these great 
officers of the crown in the adjudication of causes: 
But their decisions or opinions were of no effect unless 
sanctioned by their superiors ; and indeed the heads 
of these departments often incurred the responsibility 
of deciding contrary to the opinions of the tribunals. 

The governor-general was at the head of the military 
and judiciary departments. He decided on all criminal 
and civil suits, not appertaining to the revenue, which 
were instituted, or came before him by way of appeal. 
He was in some measure the legislator of the province. 
He gave occasional instructions to his subordinates, or 
promulgated ordmances tor the benefit of the people at 
large, or for those of particular districts. These in most 
respects conformed either to the Roman law, or to the 
code of the Indies, and were generally digested and re- 
commended by his advisory tribunals. 

The department of finance was organised in a similar 
manner, at the head of which was the intendant-general. 
He had a number of dignified officers under him, who 
performed separate and disimct duties, independent of 
each other. He took cognizance of all admiralty and 
fiscal causes. The liquidation and settlement of all pub- 
lic accounts belonged to him ; and no money could be 
dniwn from the treasury without his order. It belonged 
to nim to apportion, to levy, and to collect taxes, and to 
devise regulations for the interior government of the fi- 
nances. He was assisted by a legal character, named an 
assessor, to whom all difficult and litigated points were 



GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. 377 

Teferrecl, though the intendant was not bound to conform 
to his opinion. He regulated commerce and navigation, 
and repressed the abuses and disorders in the several 
branches of his department. He also regulated the 
affairs of the Indians, the admisson of settlers into 
the province, and the sale of public lands. 

Most of the great officers of the crown were appoint- 
ed for five years only. Re-appointments were seldom 
made, except when cogent reasons rendered them neces- 
sary. 

The subordinate tribunals, designed to assist the heads 
of the two great departments of the government, deserve 
more particular notice. 

The alcaid-general was attached to the civil depart- 
ment, and had cognizance of all such criminal offences, 
under the degree of capital, as were committed without 
the limits of the city of New-Orleans. 

The governor-general was assisted in all his delibera- 
tions by a tribunal of civil and military jurisdiction. No 
sentence of death pronounced against any criminal could 
be carried into execution before it was examined and rati- 
fied by a superior tribunal in the island of Cuba. 

Each of the provincial tribunals had an auditor, and an 
assessor, who were doctors of the civil law, and whose du- 
t}' it was to attend and to advise in all matters of import- 
ance. 

The office of procureur general was deemed of the 
highest consequence. He acted not merely as solicitor 
for the crown, but was an officer peculiar to the civil law. 
He did not always prosecute ; but after conviction he in- 
dicated the punishment awarded by the law, and on his 
suggestion it was often mitigated. He was also the cura- 
tor of orphans, the expounder of the privileges of the city, 
and the public accuser of all public officers, who either 
infringed the laws, or omitted to perform the duties as- 
signed them* 



278 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

Cabildos are the most papular tribunals in the Spmish 
colonies, and the most discouraged by die govern nent. 
They were originally placed over small detached villages 
and towns, in which they exercised civil and military pow- 
ers. They devised municipal laws and held municipal 
courts, and were considered as the general and i,l nost on- 
ly conservators of the peace. They still exist in many of 
the cities ; but their number is much reduced, and their 
powers greatly restricted. Superior tribunals have been 
constituted to receive and to decide on appeals made from 
their decisions. To the cabildos are usually attached a 
number of alcaids, regidors, syndics, and registers, who 
assist them in the administration, and in the execution of 
the laws. The powers of the cabildos in the several pro- 
vinces and cities are not uniform ; they are extended or 
limited as the circumstances of the people require ; and 
they differ from those recognized by similar tribunals in 
Spain, where they are purely municipal. 

The offices of the members of these tribunals are de- 
nominated venal by the Spaniards, because they are ac- 
quired by purchase ; though no man can become a mem- 
ber in this manner without paying a certain sum into the 
public treasury, nor unless he be qualified in all respects to 
discharge his official trust. Notaries, attornies, assessors, 
tax-gatherers, and a variety of others, are obliged to pur- 
chase their respective offices, and to furnish ample security 
for the faithful discharge of them. 

New-Orleans boasted of its cabildo, which consisted of 
twelve members, and the governor general presided in its 
deliberations. The judiciary powers of this tribunal were 
of a limited nature, and extended only to disputes and 
causes arising within the boundaries of the corporation. 
It derived its importance from the exercise of other nd 
more extensive powers. The police of the city was con- 
fided to its discretion. It regulated the admission of phy- 
sicians and surgeons to practice^ The shejii?", alcnid pioj^ 



GOVERNMENT AND LAWi>. 279 

vincial, procureur-general, and several other officers, were 
chostn by it, and generally froni among its own members. 
By the nature of its constitution it was in some measure 
an advisarij council for the several departments of the 
government, and authorised, to deliberate on the general 
and complicated concerns of the province. It had a right 
to recommend the adoption of such measures as were 
deemed useful to the community, and solemnly to protest 
against all objectionable laws and regulations. This right 
was frequently exercised by it ; and its protestations and 
demands were always treated with respect. The mem- 
bers of this tribunal obtained their offices in the u^;2«/ man- 
ner already mentioned, and most probably this circum- 
stance rendered them the less respectable. 

The contador, treasurer, interventor, auditor, and as- 
sessor, were officers subordinate to the intendant, and 
particularly attached to the department of finance. They 
derived their appointments from the crown ; and from the 
nature of their respective duties they served as checks on 
each other. A certain share or portion of every transac- 
tion devolved on each, and therefore in case of a vacancy 
the public business of the department was in a manner 
suspended till a new appointment took place. The first 
kept all the accounts and documents relative to the re- 
ceipts and expenditures of the public revenue. The se- 
cond was the receiver and keeper of all public monies. 
The third superintended all public purchases, as also the 
making of all public contracts. The fourth was solicitor 
for the crown, and obliged from the nature of his office 
to furnish the governor general with legal advice in all 
matters relating to the civil or military departments. The 
fifth was also solicitor for the crown ; but his functions 
were limited to transactions of a fiscal nature. There 
was likewise an administrator attached to the same depart- 
ment, and the official drudgery of the custom-house was 



280 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

confided to his management. He was allowed several 
clerks, all of whom were commissioned by the crown. 

In addition to these tribunals, an ecclesiastical one ex- 
isted, which took cognizance of all matters appertaining to 
religion and the church. The inquisition was once at- 
tempted to be introduced into Louisiana ; but the mea- 
sure was so unpopular as to oblige the inquisitors to aban- 
don the province. 

The district commandants, and other inferior magis- 
trates, usually held their offices during good behavior ; 
though they were sometimes obliged to yield them to fa- 
vorites, or to men of superior qualifications. Merit was 
generally consulted in all the appointments made by the 
crown, though other motives equally honorable sometimes 
prevailed ; and the mention of one instance must suffice for 
the rest. The last lieutenant governor of Upper Louisia- 
na Was a Frenchman by birth, and an officer m the Spanish 
guards. His aged father and mother, educated in ease 
and affluence, had been despoiled of their property in the 
French revolution ; they were even obliged to abandon 
their country, and to seek shelter in the wilds of Louisia- 
na. Their son solicited an appointment of such a nature 
as to enable him to contribute to their support; and he 
solicited not in vain : By the avails of his office he in some 
measure rewarded parental affection, and soothed the last 
days of the two objects the most dear to him. 

Notwithstanding the formalities observed by the judici- 
al authorities in all litigated cases of consequence ; yet 
justice on ordinary occasions was speedily administered. 
In processes on bonds it was common to obtain execution 
in four days, and on iiotes in the same time, if the 
promisers acknowledged them, or their signatures were 
proved. But these authorities by their judgments or de- 
crees often suspended payments much longer than was 
consistent with the terms of specialties and other con- 



GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. 281 

tracts, particularly when the creditors were able to wait 
without material injury, and the debtors not in a situation 
to cancel the demands against them without a great sacri- 
fice of property. This indulgent maxim adorns the pa- 
ges of the civil law. 

Both real and personal estate were liable to be seized 
and sold on execution. It was allowable to expose them 
to sale in nine days after the levy, provided they were re- 
gularly advertized during that time at three conspicuous 
places in the neighborhood. It was, however, necessary 
to appraise both species of property taken in execution 
before it could be sold ; and no sale was permitted, un- 
less for a sum equal to half of the appraised value. 

In Upper Louisiana the legal fees of office on notes and 
bonds, and other undisputed claims, even to judgment 
and execution, never exceeded four dollars. 

The summary mode of justice created a much greater 
degree of punctuality in the payment of debts than is es- 
tablished in any part of the United States ; and this was 
particularly useful in a country almost destitute of specie, 
where peltry was the medium of trade, and where credits 
were necessary and common. The change produced by 
the operation of the laws of the United States, the dilato- 
ry proceedings of our courts, the introduction of the trial 
by jury, and the expenses of legal contests, gave a tempo- 
rary check to trade, and to the credit of merchants, par- 
ticularly in Upper Louisiana. Experience led them to 
believe, that the Spanish mode of decision, grounded on 
equitable laws, was much the most wise and salutary ; and 
they murmured at a system calculated to produce delays, 
and in many instances to create expenses equal in amount 
to the sums demanded. They preferred the judgment of 
one man to that of twelve ; and it is but justice to observe, 
that their ju'iicial officers were in most instances upright 
and impartial iu their decisions. 



282 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Upper liouisiana was always destitute of a circulating; 
medium : Specie, indeed, was a rare article in that coun- 
try. This may be attributed to its distance from the sea 
board and the markets, to the low state of its agriculture, 
and to the nature of its trade. Remittances were made in 
peltry, lead, and some provisions; but as the value of 
these did not exceed that of the imports, no specie was 
put in circulation by commerce. The lead and salt sent 
up the Ohio and its waters were exchanged for castings, 
whiskey, iron, steel, and some other indispensable articles; 
and this barter trade, whatever were the benefits of it, 
served not to augment the quantity of specie. Even the 
pubUc officers and troops received their pay of the tra- 
ders, generally in foreign produce, in exchange for bills 
drawn on the treasury at New Orleans. This deficiency 
of money induced the government to consider peltry as 
the medium of trade, and as a legal tender in the payment 
of debts, except in cases where it infringed the express 
stipulation of the parties. The Spanish laws not only 
sanctioned, but coerced the specific performance of con- 
tracts, and on this principle all judicial determinations, at 
least in Upper Louisiana, were grounded. A note, for in- 
stance, of one hundred dollars was payable in peltry, un- 
less it expressly stipulated, that the payment should be in 
Spa?iish milled dollars. The specification in contracts 
was the more necessary, as one silver dollar was always 
deemed equal to one dollar and twenty five cents in peltry. 
If a man bound himself to deliver certain articles, or to 
execute a certain work, the judiciary decreed the exact 
performance of the contract ; and in case the debtor ne- 
glected or refused to comply with the decree, the creditor 
had a right to engage a third person to perform the con- 
tract at the expense of the original obligee or promiser, 
or to recover a sum equal to the damages sustained. 

Perhaps in no country were aggravated crimes more 
rare than in Louisiana. The contrary of this might have 



GOVEllXMEXT AND LA^VS. 283 

been expected from the different languages, feligions, and 
customs of the people : especially from the constant ac- 
cession of various descriptions of new settlers. Two rea- 
sons may be assigned for this general exemption from 
crimes. The first is, that the Creole inhabitants were ra- 
ther peaceable in their dispositions, perhaps the more so 
as they were educated in the habits of obedience to the 
laws, which seldom suffered the guilty to escape with im- 
punity. Besides, the French attached much more dis- 
grace to punishments than any other people ; and perhaps 
this circumstance imposed some restraint on their actions. 
The second is, that the terrors of the magistrate, the 
frightful apprehension of the Mexican mines, and the 
dungeons of the llavanna, added to the supposed antipa- 
thy of the government to all strangers, awed the settlers 
irom the United States into submission, and produced an 
uncommon. degree of subordination among them. 

Nor were punishments more rigorous than is consistent 
with the safety of governments, and the preservation of 
jrder in civil communities. 1^'or offences under the de- 
gree of capital the laws doomed the offenders t(j imprison- 
ment, or to the stocks, and to the payment of costs, except 
when detected in carrying on a contraband trade, or in vi- 
olating the revenue laws ; and then they were liable to be 
put on boai-d the gallies, in the mines, or on the public 
works, sometimes lor life, but generally for a term of 
years. Treason, murder, arson, and the robbery of the 
public treasury, were pronounced by the laws to be capi- 
tal offences. Many unhappy wretches convicted of these 
crimes remained in prison a long time after they received 
the sentence of death ; probably in consequence of the ten- 
derness or dilatory caution of the tribunal in the island of 
Cuba. Only four crimes were declared capital by the 
laws, and few states in the union can boast of so small a 
number of this description. The punishmentb already 
mentioned for offences under the degree of capital, were 
2 o 



284 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

not much more rigorous than those experienced in our 
common prisons, penitentiaries, and other houses of cor- 
rection. 

The laws made ample provision for appeals both in ci- 
vil and criminal cases. The party aggrieved had a right 
to appeal to the decision of a superior tribunal, if demanded 
within five days from the date of the objectionable decree 
or sentence. In Upper Louisiana, appeals lay from the 
decisions of the district commandants, and other inferior 
magistrates, to the lieutenant governor, and from thence 
to the governor general. This last mentioned officer re- 
ceived and decided all prosecutions and causes, which 
came before him by way of appeal from the inferior tri- 
bunals in Lower Louisiana. The intendant general and 
his sub-delegates extrcised similar prerogatives in the de- 
partment of finance. From the decisions of these two 
great officers of the government, appeals lay in the first 
instance to separate tribunals in the island of Cuba, and 
from thence to the council of the Indies in Spain. 

This council, of so much dignity and consequence in the 
Spanish government, was founded as early as 1511. The 
conquest of America suggested the necessity of laws and 
regulations different irom those- of Spain, and particularly 
adapted to the circumstances of the new world ; and the 
necessity of confiding the complicated concerns of the 
colonies to a separate and distmct administration was e- 
qunlly apparent. Hence the origin of the council of the 
Irdies, generally composed of men who had faithfully dis- 
charged honorable trusts in America, or were well ac- 
quainted with American affairs. This council ever kept 
in view the union of the provinces with the mother coun- 
try ; and its wisdom was successfully directed to this end. 
The laws and regulations by which they were governed, 
emanated from it. The decisions of this tribunal were 
always held in the highest respect, and the whispers of 
complaint were never uttered against its integrity. 



GOVERNMENT AND LAWS, 285 

From this statement it is natural to conclude, that ap- 
peals, if carried to the tribunal of the last resort, were at- 
tended with great expense and delay. Most of the ex- 
pense, however, arose in the first stages of litigated cau- 
ses ; and although some of them remained undecided for 
many years, yet this was more owing to the legal indul- 
gence claimed by the parties, than to any disposition in 
the tribunals to postpone their decisions. Professional 
characters were seldom employed, except in preparing 
causes for trial. Forensic disputations were excluded 
from the Spanish tribunals ; and their judicial determina- 
tions resulted wholly from the written evidence laid be- 
fore them, and from the known laws of the kingdom. 

In all civil causes where appeals were made from the 
decisions of the lieutenant governor of Upper Louisiana, 
the persons claiming them were obliged to pay the oppo- 
site parties the full amount of the sums decreed against 
them ; and bonds were given to refund the sums thus paid 
in case the decrees were ultimately reversed. This re- 
gulation was partly intended to prevent litigious and vexa- 
tious appeals for the purposes of delay, and partly to shield 
the poor from the oppression of the rich j and it had the 
desired effect. Appeals were not common ; and those 
who made them could have no other object in view than 
the reversal of erroneous judgments. 

It was the policy of the Spanish government to discou- 
rage political enquiry, and to keep the people in a great 
measure ignorant of the laws by which they were govern- 
ed. The governor and intendants general were authoriz- 
ed to devise and publish such ordinances and decrees, not 
inconsistent with the established policy of the provincial 
system, as were necessary in their respective departments. 
An ordinance relative to dowry, and the descent and dis- 
tribution of estates ab hitestato^ and another relative to the 
grants and concessions of lands, prescribing the quantities 
allowed to settlers, and the formalities requisite to obtain 



286 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

complete titles, were almost the only ones of a general na- 
ture ever promulgated by them. If they now and then 
furnished their subordinates with written instructions, the 
effects produced by them were very inconsiderable, and 
not always conformable to the fundamental maxims of the 
laws. 

The public revenue in Louisiana arose from several 
sources. The custom-house received a duty of six per 
centum on the value of all shipping transferred from one 
individual to another. Those who received legacies or 
inheritances from collaterals, of the value of two thousand 
dollars, were obliged to pay a tax of two per centum ; and 
a tax of four per centum was assessed on all legacies or 
inheritances given to strangers. Those who received sa- 
laries from the government, exceeding three hundred 
dollars per annum, paid a tax ; as also all those who ac- 
quired ve?ial offices. All vessels of whatever size paid a 
pilotage of twenty dollars, seven of which went into the 
public treasury. Each person licenced to sell ardent spi- 
rits paid an annual tax or duty of forty dollars in Lower 
Louisiana, and thirty dollars in Upper Louisiana. The 
annual amount of these duties and taxes was only about 
six thousand dollars. 

On all goods or other articles, cither imported or ex- 
ported, a duty of six per centum was charged ; and the 
annual avails of this branch of the public revenue amount- 
ed to about one hundred and twenty thousand dollars. 
The annual expenses of the government may be comput- 
ed at about six hundred and fifty thousand dollars; so that 
a deficiency arose of about five hundred and twenty four 
thousand dollars. This was in part supplied by an annu- 
al remittance of four hundred thousand dollars from La 
vera Cruz. The remainder was balanced by certificates, 
which became current in market, and which were usually 
purchased at a discount of twenty live or thirtv per cen- 
tum ; and it is said on good authority, that some of thf 



GOVERN^fENT AND LAWS. 287 

officers in the department of finance became the holders 
of them to a large amount. The public debt still due is 
estimated at about four hundred and fifty thousand dol- 
lars. Provision was made several years before the ces- 
sion for the redemption of these certificates; but the 
funds appropriated for the purpose were ultimately appli- 
ed to other and different objects. 

These are some of the outlines of the Spanish govern- 
ment in Louisiana ; only the prominent features of it have 
been attempted, and even those we have suggested are ve- 
ry imperfect. To form an adequate conception of its 
structure, its parts, and mutual relations, and to delineate 
all the forms and maxims established for the administra- 
tion of the laws, would require more labor than is consist- 
ent with the nature of this work, or with the ability of the 
author. 

AVe must not too severely condemn the provincial sys- 
tems of the Spaniards, because they differ from our own, 
and because they appear to us defective and incongruous. 
We must remember, that all good governments are prac- 
tical, not merely theoretic ; and that we can only form a 
correct opinion of their fitness or inutility from the effects 
they produce. Our present government, both in practice 
and theory, is the best for us ; but it does not from thence 
follow, that the same kind of government is calculated to 
promote the happiness of other nations. The difference 
among them is not less than that among the individuals of 
society; each labors under disadvantages peculiar to it- 
self. No two of them correspond in their pursuits and 
wants ; they vary still more in their educations, habits, 
manners, and dispositions ; nor are they alike exposed to 
the same physical evils. Some are prone to war, to licen- 
tiousness, and to a contempt of all moral and legal re- 
straints; who estimate no glory equal to that of con- 
quest, and no riches equal in value to tliose obtained by 
plunder and rapine. These require govcrnmtnts essen- 



.288 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

tially different from those, whose local situations protect 
them from foreign danger, and whose educations, tempers, 
habits, and pursuits, naturally incline them to seek repose 
in peace, and to yield obedience to equitable and necessa- 
ry laws. 

In fine, it is a fundamental truth in politics, though sel- 
dom regarded, that nations ought to exist under such go- 
vernments, whatever be their forms, as are calculated to 
confer the greatest sum of general happiness on the peo- 
ple. If the views of statesmen and legislators were guid- 
ed by this truth, we should witness almost as many forms 
of government as there are nations on the globe, and preg- 
nant with all the various principles between the two ex- 
tremes of liberty and despotism. The best and wisest 
governments are enumerated among the evils of our con- 
dition. These are endured, and even cherished and sup- 
ported on the principle, that they serve to exempt man- 
kind from those of greater magnitude. 

Most of the celebrated writers on government were de- 
ceived by their own plausible theories, and this deception 
has multiplied the political errors of mankind. They la- 
bored more to define and illustrate abstract principles than 
to discover and suggest practical truths ; mure to frame 
general thecrries, applicable only to superior orders of in- 
telligences, than to apply specific remedies to the particu- 
lar evils incident to different societies. They considered 
mankind what they wished them to be, not what nature 
made them. Hence a wonderful mass of political error 
exists, and actual experiment only is capable of erasing it 
from the minds of men. 

The United States framed a government for themselves 
in a time of profound peace. No jealous power existed, 
either within or without capable of obstructing their views, 
or of disturbing their deliberations. They were at liber- 
ty to pursue the dictates of their own wisdom, and to e- 
rect their political fabric on such foundations as appeared 



GOVERNMENT AM) LAWS. 289 

the most likely to render it permanent, and to afford the 
greatest sum of general happiness and prosperity to the 
nation. It" the result of their joint wisdom and labors be 
a monarchy, as Dr. Priestley mamtains, the experience of 
twenty years has not persuaded us to reject it. 

The ancients had no adequate conception of represen- 
tative governments. If they had their legislative and ex- 
ecutive tribunals, both relative and hereditary, under the 
denomination of senates, tribunes, archons, ephori, cosmi. 
and the like ; yet the duration of their offices, the fluctua- 
tion and undefined nature of their authority, and the want 
of co-ordinate branchts to review, modify, and even to 
arrest the hasty and intemperate measures of each other, 
ser\ed only to nourish the seeds of perpetual discord, and 
to render public liberty insecure. The separation and 
distribution ot governmental powers, as practised in mo- 
dern times, were unknown to them. A cursory view of 
their history will convince us, that they were destitute of 
stability, virtue, and political knowledge, the most essen- 
tial requisites in all representative governments, without 
which they cannot be framed or supported. 

The Greeks and Romans were the most enlightened 
people of antiquity; yet during the many ages of their 
existence they never aimed at the establishment of regular 
governments. They exhibited a strange versatility of cha- 
racter. In times of public danger they rallied round their 
sages and heroes ; they invested them with supreme au- 
thority ; they implicitly yielded to their counsels ; and 
perhaps they were never so happy and prosperous as when 
they submitted to the sovereign dictates of their rulers. 
The transitions from war to peace produced a change in 
their conduct. They became impatient of legal restraint ; 
they were not disposed to yield a permanent obedience to 
the laws ; they murmured at whatever obsrructed the in- 
dulgence ot then- licentious passions ; and they even incar- 
cerated, banished, or immolated their best patriots and 



290 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Statesmen ; so that the exercise of any description of pow- 
er among them was always precarious, and often danger- 
ous. 

On a variety of occasions, particularly in time of peace, 
those ancient people were divided into parties and factions 
by their restless and ambitious demagogues. The wild 
and extravagant excesses exhibited by all classes, the mur- 
ders, proscriptions, and other violences, to which thev 
were led by the most brutal passions, were in some mea- 
sure intenerated by their perfection in the arts, and by the 
blaze of their victories and triumphs. The fact appears 
to be, that they were totally destitute of political virtue 
and knowledge ; and that governments of a strong texture, 
unshackled by representation, were the best calculated to 
promote their happiness. 

The same remark will apply with equal force to many 
modern nations. Those in the north of Europe are inca- 
pable of any other than monarchic governments ; and hap- 
py it is for them, if they find the extensive power of their 
monarchs tempered by mercy, and directed by M^isdom. 
Even France, one of the most enlightened nations on the 
globe, struggled to establish a government on the broad 
basis of civil liberty, and failed in the experiment. The 
people of that country waded in blood to the throne ; they 
were never able to find the object of their wishes ; and, 
as if fatigued with the pursuit, they resolved to repose 
themselves under a military despotism. How much more 
cnviabe is their present condition than it was at any pe- 
riod of their disastrous revolution ! Perhaps the Spanish 
provinces on our borders are still chained by the sentence 
of nature to the same mclancholv grade, where they will 
probably repose, till some terrible convulsion elevates them 
amid seas of blood to the fruition of a more prosperous 
destiny. All this shews, that some nations derive the 
greatest sum of general happiness from the arbitrary dic- 
tates of their rulers ; while others exist with more safetv 



GOVKRX.MENT A\U LAWS. 291 

and prosperity under the wisdom and energies of deriva- 
tive authority. 

TiCt us not, then, pass judgment on the Spanish colonial 
systems, unless we found it on the situation and character 
of the people. Among these are Spaniards, Creoles, Ab- 
originals, a vast variety of mixed breeds, forming no less 
tliiin seven distinct casts, and strangers from all parts of 
the world, from civilized as well as barbarous nations. 
jNIost of those f'l'ho compose this crude and heterogeneous 
assemblage, are extemely ignorant, and capable only of a 
blind obedience. Yet they are apparently the happiest 
people on earth. The taxes and contributions levied on 
them are not exorbitant ; very little labor supplies their 
wants; and most of them are unacquainted with those 
luxuries and expenses, which modern times have render- 
ed fashionable. Their moral principles also are extreme- 
ly debauched, and their intercourse with each other is 
marked by the most corrupt profligacy of manners. Those 
who believe these people capable of self-government are 
much deceived. They have a very inadequate conception 
of human nature as it is displayed in the Spanish colonies. 

These observations are by no means applicable to the 
Louisianians. The French always preserved their inte- 
grity, their decency, and moral principles ; though they 
lost most of their industry, and nearly all their knowledge. 
Hence the theory and administration of their government 
were in most respects as perfect as their situation and cir- 
cumstances would allow. At any rate, they were satisfi- 
ed with their allotment, and never sighed for a political 
change. This maxim cannot be too often repeated, that 
nothing experimentally wrong in politics, is true ; and that 
every thing practically injurious, is politically false. 

The French and Spaniards of the new world are much 
attached to their own forms of government, however ra- 
dically defective they may be in principle. The laws of 
Kngland were introduced into Canada in 1764. The trial 



292 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

by jury was established, and legislative assemblies, com- 
posed of the freeholders and planters, were chosen by the 
people to enact laws. This innovation was disagreeable 
to the Canadians, who petitioned against it in 1765, 1770, 
and 1773 ; so that in 1774 the parliament passed the Que- 
bec act, by which all former laws and ordinances of the 
English were abolished, and " the laws and customs of 
*' Canada" established. The Louisianians are mostly go- 
verned by the civil law. In the territory, of Orleans the 
ancient forms of judicial proceeding, not incompatible 
with the change, are still retained. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER IX- 



CO^OIERCE AND MANUFACTURES. 



WHILE Louisiana was in the hands of the French, 
great exertions were made to introduce a spirit of com- 
mercial enterprise among the people ; but they were not 
attended with the success they deserved. Agriculture 
and industry, by which wealth is at first accumulated in 
new regions, necessarily precede commerce, and are the 
foundations of it. To promote this desirable object the 
crown lavished large sums to promote the interest of the 
colony, expecting to derive abundance of provisions and 
raw materials in return for the benefits conferred on it. 
The exertions of Crozat and of the company, to whom the 



294 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

commerce of the province was successively granted, prov- 
ed equally fruitless. The poverty of the settlers, their w^ant 
of industry, and the trouble given them by the Indians and 
Spaniards, were insuperable obstacles to commerce, and 
these unfortunate impediments continued for a great length 
of time. Indeed, during the existence of the French co- 
lonial government, the Indian trade almost wholly occu- 
pied the attention of the people, who were more disposed 
to provide for present necessity than to discover the 
means of future good. Louisiana involved France in hea- 
vy expenditures ; and perhaps the despair of remunera- 
tion was among the causes, which induced her so easily to 
cede the country to Spain. 

When France first discovered Louisiana she was not in 
a condition to promote the settlement of it. The pressure 
of taxes, occasioned by complicated wars, deprived her of 
the means of colonization ; and she was for some time al- 
lowed only to anticipate what she wished to realize. The 
distance too of the colony from the mother country, al- 
though it increased the prospects of wealth, served to 
check the spirit of emigration among the opulent, and to 
confine it almost exclusively to the poor ; and even these 
embarked in the enterprise, not to obtain wealth by the 
slow process of agriculture, but to seize on rich mines, and 
to monopolise the Indian trade ; the latter of which they 
fancied was not less valuable than the accumulated pro- 
ducts of Potosi. They were not calculated to labor in 
the field : The climate was too warm, and proved injuri- 
ous to health ; and they were not able to procure a suffici- 
ent number of slaves to answer any valuable purpose. 
They soon found their expectations blasted, and regretted 
their destiny. Unable from extreme poverty to rejoin 
their connexions in Europe, and exposed to the vindic- 
tive rage of the Spaniards, and of some tribes of Indians, 
they mostly submitted themselves to indolence and fatuity. 
The little knowledge of agriculture they possessed v/as ne- 



CO\nrERCE AND MANUFACTLTRES. 295 

ver reduced to experiment ; it expired with the first ge- 
neration, and was never fully revived while the country re- 
mained in the hands of France. Hence there was a radi- 
cal defect in the first settlement of Louisiana, and it serv- 
ed to impede the prosperity of that colony through all the 
subsequent periods of its history. Had Indian commerce 
been wholly prohibited, or confided to a few exclusive 
traders only, and the settlers generally restricted to agri- 
culture, and to the acquisition of raw materials for foreign 
markets, the power of France in America would have 
been much more formidable than it was. 

The Spaniards, after they obtained Louisiana, experi- 
enced no great difficulty from the Indians : but they found 
a people who had lost all industry, and nearly all their 
knowledge of agriculture. O'Reilly, and some of his im- 
mediate successors in the government, endeavored to re- 
vive a spirit of industry, and to awaken the people to a 
sense of their interest. Their exertions, though in some 
degree successful, did not produce all the desired effects ; 
and they saw with regret, that the inhabitants still retain- 
ed their habitual indolence, and an unconquerable predi- 
lection for the Indian trade, which was always precarious 
and unprofitable, and did not increase the aggregate wealth 
of the colony. Their object was to create a revenue e- 
qual to the expenditures of the government. They well 
knew, that this depended on agriculture, which is the 
foundation of foreign commerce ; and as they had ex- 
hausted every resource within themselves to promote it 
vv'ithout effect, they resolved about the year 17S7 to en- 
courage the industrious citizens of the United States to 
remove into the colony, partlv to increase the means of 
wealth, and partly to serve as a defence against the threa-^ 
tened invasions of two of the European powers. This 
gave a spring to agriculture and commerce ; a spirit oi 
foreign intercourse was diffused among all classes of the 
people ; exertions were made to prepare raw materials for 



296 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the West India and other markets; and the exports from 
Louisiana annually increased till the close of the Spanish 
government, though they never rose to the value of the 
imports. 

The articles of export were sugar, cotton, indigo, rice, 
furs and peltry, lumber, tar, pitch, cattle, horses, lead, 
flour, beef, and pork. The annual exports from the 
province by way of the sea, the year before the cession 
to the United States, amounted to about two million 
one huTjdred and sixty thousand dollars, and the im- 
ports to about two million five hundred thousand dollars ; 
but in this sum is included plantation utensils, slaves, and a 
variety of other articles of value not generally enumerated 
among those of commerce ; so that the imports greatly 
exceeded the exports. Had the cession been deferred a 
few years only, the probability is, that the raw materials 
would have so much augmented in quantity and value as 
to have met the expenses of imported articles. This de- 
sirable occurrence has added new springs to population, 
commerce, and industry, and is already productive of in- 
dividual and public wealth. 

It is impossible to ascertain the value of the trade in 
Upper Louisiana ; part of it was connected with New-Or- 
leans, part with Canada, and no inconsiderable portion of 
it with the United States. This quarter alone furnished 
lead for the market, and also considerable quantities of 
salt, beef and pork, furs and peltries. The quantity and 
value of the two last articles may be estimated with some 
degree of certainty ; but of the others conjectures only 
can be formed. The traders procured most of their In- 
dian goods in Canada ; the other goods consumed by the 
inhabitants were mostly purchased in Philadelphia and 
Baltimore, and the groceries and other heavy articles in 
New Orleans ; iron, steel, nails, and castings, were boat- 
ed from the Ohio and its waters. The furs and peltries 



COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURES. 297 

were mostly exported to Canada. Considerable quanti- 
ties of salt and lead found their way up the Ohio : P.irt 
of the latter article, all the surplus beef and pork, and 
some other articles, were sent to the New Orleans market. 
The furs and peltries are susceptible of more accurate 
calculation. Accounts of these for fifteen successive years, 
ending in 1804, were kept by a gentleman of the first re- 
pute in Upper Louisiana ; and their annual average quan- 
tity and value stand thus : 



Castors lbs. 36,900 valued at S66,820 

Otters 8,000 37,100 

Bear skins 5,100 14,200 

Buffaloe skins 850 4,750 

Raccoon, wild Cat,-) ,^ ^ 

rox skins J ' 

Martins 1,300 3,900 

Lynx's 300 1,500 

Deerskins 153,000 63,200 

Total ,8203,750 



The French and Spaniards extended the Indian trade 
a considerable distance up the Arkansas ; along the whole 
extent of the St. Francis and White river, at least to the 
villages and hunting camps of the natives in those quar- 
ters ; up the Mississippi to the falls of St. Anthony, and 
to the sources of all the westerly branches of it below that 
point ; up the Missouri about nine hundred miles, as also 
most of its branches where Indians were to be found. A 
considerable trade was also carried on among the Indians 
to the eastward of the Mississippi, particularly with the 
Kickapoos near the head waters of the Kaskaskia river, 
and with the Piorias and other Indians on, and in the 
neighborhood of the Illinois river. The trade from the 



298 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Missouri was much more valuable than that of any other 
river, and perhaps of the whole of them united, owing to 
the great length of it, to the vast number of Indians on its 
waters, and to the excellent quality of the furs and skins 
obtained in those regions. The average value of the 
goods annually sent up the Missouri alone, during the fif- 
teen years already mentioned, was sixty one thousand two 
hundred and fifty dollars. These were exchanged for 
furs and skins, which on an average yielded an annual pro- 
fit of sixteen thousand seven hundred and twenty one dol- 
lars, exclusive of all expenses, or about twenty seven per 
centum ; and by the same rule the annual profits of the 
whole Indian trade in Upper Louisiana amounted to up- 
wards of fifty five thousand dollars ; a sum of considera- 
ble magnitude when compared with the scanty population 
of that countrj-. The prices of the several articles men- 
tiontd in this calculation were those of Upper Louisiana. 
Had they been rated according to those of London, to 
which place most of them found their way, the profits 
M'oul J have almost exceeded belief. IMost of the traders 
were too poor to defray the expenses of freight, or to wait 
for the returns of an European market. They exchanged 
the avails of their trade for supplies of Indian goods, 
which were sold them at about one hundred, and some- 
times at one hundred and x\\\xXy per centum^ in advance of 
the original cost, and the expense of transporting them 
from Quebec to Michillimakinak, where they usually re- 
ceived them. 

It is worthy of remark, that the Indian trade in this 
quarter was never liable to the same objection as that car- 
ried on in the Delta, and on the rivers flowing directly in- 
to it. The pursuit of it to the southward of the thirty se- 
cond degree only impoverished the country, because it 
not qsnly induced the inhabitants to neglect agriculture, but 
also because the furs and peltries obtained by them were 
of little comparative value. The trade in Upper-Louisi- 



COMMERCE AND MANUFACtUKES. 099 

ina was widely different, and susceptible of progressive 
improvcrtient. The traders were always able to obtain 

Liiiable goods from Canada, and the furs and peltries 
\,ivtn in exchange for them were of an excellent quality, 

aid commanded a high price. The Indians were also nu- 
merous, and stood in need of greater supplies than those 
.n warmer latitudes ; they had it in their power from the 
inukiplicity of game to make speedy returns for all the 
nierchandise the traders were able to furnish them. Hence 
the ancient French in the Illinois countr)' did not experi- 
ence the poverty of their friends about the Delta, though 
ihiy were equally. inclined to indolent habits, and enter- 
tained nearly the same aversion to agriculture. The Spa- 
r.i;Ards seldom gave them any trouble, and they were most- 
ly exempt from Indian hostilities. 

The Indians are much more particular in the color and 
.luality of their goods than is generally suspected. Most 
of the tribes or nations differ in their choice of goods ; 
and indeed they are always known to each other by their 
dresses. "Whatever be their wants they will seldom pur- 
chase strouding, blankets, or any other articles, unless they 
be of the size, color, and quality, to which they are ac- 
customed. They sometimes carry their fancies to such 
extremes as to involve themselves in distress ; for they 
will endure the rigors of winter rather than cover their 
bodies with a blanket too large or too small, or which is 
deficient in a border, or has one too many, or the color of 
which is not suited to their taste. The goods at present 
manufactured in the United States are in no estimation 
among them ; and tiiey have, at least in one instance, re- 
fused to accept an annuicy of merchandise of this de- 
scrip, ion. "Were our manufacturers supplied with proper 
patterns, no doubt they might be able to gratify the deli- 
cacy of our own red neighbours, and at the same time af- 
ford suitable assortments. The mauufaciurers in England 
are well acquainted with the nature of the goods wanted 
2Q 



■X)0 skp:tciies of Louisiana. 

in the various regions of the west and north-west : They 
also know how to apportion the diiferent articles to the 
different nation's, lakes, or rivers ; so that an assortment 
put up by them will always be found to answer the wants 
of the Indians for whom it is designed. It is of impor- 
tance to the trader, that the various articles of his cargo 
be exhausted at the same time ; otherwise some items, 
and perhaps those of the most value, will remain unsold, 
and become mere remnants, because he has not others to 
match and accompany them : For if the Indians cannot 
obtain several different articles at the same time, so as to 
complete what may be called a suit, they will not pur- 
chase any, and frtquently become offended. Hence their 
partiality for English merchandise is easily explahied ; 
and it is unfortunate, tfust our manufjcturers are either 
unacquainted with these particulars, or are not sufficiently- 
united in their endeavors to furnish the necessary supplies. 
If the labors of a certain number of gun-smiths, and of 
manufacturers of cutlery and cotton stuffs, were united 
and directed to the same end, it would certainly be in 
their power to supply our Indian traders j and the annual 
consumption of goods to the amount of more than two hun- 
dred thousand dollars, with the prospect of a gradual in- 
crease, ought to stimulate them to the experiment. Very 
few rifles are used by the Iwdians of Louisiana ; they pre- 
fer light muskets, though of some length. 

The United States have adopted a liberal policy in their 
intercourse with the Indians, situated on our borders. 
These Indians are not only supplied at a cheap rate with 
all the conveniences of which they stand in need, but they 
gradually acquire habits of industry, exchange the fruits 
of the chase for the more substantial avails of agriculture, 
and at the same time become more sensible of their infe- 
riority, and of ♦heir jdependence on us. Were the same 
policy extended to the I;idians on the Missouri and the 
Upper Mississippi, no doubt the same effects would result. 



COMMERCE AND MAXUFACTUIIES. 30I 

The traders in these quarters put an enormous price on 
their commodities, though the profits of the trade are not 
very exorbitant, and this arises on the great advance 
charged on the goods obtained from Canada. The Uni- 
ted States can supply the Indians at nearly one hundred 
per centum under what our traders now demand from 
them ; and supplies in this way would serve to restrain 
the impositions at present practiced on them. Such a dif- 
ference would soon be felt by the Indians ; and the pros- 
pects of a successful issue seem fully to justify some fur- 
ther arrangements on the subject. 

To carry such a plan into effect it may be necessary to 
establish several trading houses ; perhaps one at the mouth 
of the Ouisconsing, or Prairie des Chiens, one at the mouth 
of the St. Pierre, one at the mouth of the Osage river, or 
near the Osage villages, one on or at the mouth of the 
river Platte, one on Red River, and also another on the 
Arkansas. These positions are not only calculated for 
the Indian trade, but trading houses at the two former 
■would serve to obstruct the trade at present carried on 
from Canada, and secure it to ourselves. The Canadian 
traders must pass to the Upper Mississippi, at least to that 
part of it visited by our own traders, through lake Michi- 
gan, by way of the Illinois, or the Ouisconsing. The 
first is sufficiently guarded by the garrison at Chicago, 
and another at the mouth of the latter would interdict all 
improper communications between the Mississippi and 
Canada, except to the upper part of that river by way of 
Lake Superior. The Canadian traders annually rendez- 
vous at Prairie des Chiens^ where they have built a small 
village. From this place they dispatch their goods in va- 
rious directions, particularly to the Rivers des Moins and 
St. Pierre, which fall into the Mississippi from the west, 
and no small proportion of them find their way across to 
the Missouri. If circumstances will not allow us to pro- 
hibit the Canadian trade at present carried on at the Man- 



302 SKETCHES OF LOLISIAN'A- 

dan nation, and other Indians on the upper parts of these 
two great rivers, still we h;ive it in our power to check them 
below the points just mentioned. These traders will en- 
deavor to render public trading establishments unpopular, 
t)ecanse they will in some meiisure deprive thyrn of the 
trade, and force them either to lower their prices, or to 
withdraw their goods from market. Tliey even contend 
,that, since the cession of Louisiana, they have a right by 
subsisting treaty stipulations to extend the Indian trade in- 
to our territory on the west side of the Mississippi : But 
this claim is inadmissible. 

On this subject, however, one difficulty presents itself, 
which, perhaps, cannot be easily removed. The merchants 
of Canada send their clerks and dependants to reside at 
Michillimakinak, within our territory, where they obtain 
naturalization. The trade is conducted in their name ; 
but in fact they are no more than agents; and their prin- 
cipals, who belong to Quebec and Montreal, reap the fruits 
of their enterprise. To prohibit the exportation of mer- 
chandise from Canada would prove extremely injurious to 
our own citizens ; but it would cure the evil. 

The acquisition of the Indian trade by the English 
is the smallest evil we have to apprehend. While they 
engross the trade, the Indians, Avith whom they have an 
intercourse, will ever be under their control; and when- 
ever they are prompted by interest or prejudice, they will 
be able to stimulate them to hostilities. B^y presents and 
misrepresentations they have caused some of our own tra- 
ders to be either plundered of their property, or driven 
from their stations. They even prejudice the Indians 
against the citizens of the United Slates generally; repre- 
sent them as disobedient and refractory children ; as less 
numerous and less powerful than their red neighbours, 
whose objects are to encroach on them, and, under the 
appearance of friendshipi to practice every species of 
treachery and deception ; to take their lands from them, 



COMMEllCE AND MANUFACTCRE3. 303 

and finallv to extirpate them. These topics, most of all 
others, alarm the fears and jealousies of weak minds, and 
serve to create a deadly enmity ; especially as many of 
the Indians have long viewed with pain the rapid progress 
of the whites westward ; their ancient domains in a de- 
gree usurped ; their game destroyed by culture, and in- 
numerable disorders introduced among them, unknown 
before the beams of civilization disfigured their horizon. 
Independent from nature, and the only legitimate proprie- 
tors of the soil, many of their wisest men view these 
th'ngs with regret, and lament the necessity, which obliged 
th<'ir ancestors to yield so much to the whites. They con- 
sider almost every treaty, especially if lands be granted 
away, as in a degree extorted from them, and therefore 
no longer obligatory than while their weakness prevents a 
reclamation of their rights. Such feelings and sentiments 
are excited in the minds of the Indians by those, who are 
inimical to the interest of our government and citizens ; 
and they can only be softened or rendered useless by some 
firm and placable measures on the part of the United 
States, and by banishing from among them all those whose 
intcrets are disconnected with our national safety. 

The boats used by the Indian traders are of various 
sizes; but those the most commonly preferred carry from 
fifteen to twenty-five thousand weight. Their sides are 
low, and their oars short, so that they may be navigated 
near the shore, where the counter currents or eddies acce- 
lerate their progress ; their bottoms are nearly flat, so that 
they are enabled to pass in shoal water ; they are also 
somewhat narrow, and their length is generally from forty- 
five to sixty feet, "i he boats employed between New- 
Orleans and the Illinois country are differently construct- 
ed ; they are higher out of water, and sink deeper into it; 
of much greater width, and supplied with keels ; hence 
they are called barges, and many of them will cany 
forty tons. The number of boatmen is usually desig- 



304 SKETCHES'OF LOUISIANA. 

nated by the weight of the cargo; one is required to 
every three thousand pounds. These are equal to any in 
the world ; they generally consist of French whites, and 
French mulattoes ; and as they are accustomed to the 
water from their childhood, they are capable of sustain-, 
ing the greatest fatigue. They are seldom known to be 
impatient of labor, or to be affected by the heat ; and on 
these accounts they are to be preferred to others. They 
are also accustomed to live on what would starve an Eng- 
lish American. A small qu'^ntity of cjrn meal, and bear's 
grease, are all the articles of nourishment allowed them 
in Indian countries, except when they are so fortunate as 
to kill game : They are seldom furnished with salted meat, 
except when employed in the neighbourhood of the 
whites, where it can be occasionally obtained. 

Very little can be said on the subject of domestic ma- 
nufactures. At the time of the cession a small quantity 
of cotton was manufactured along the coast into quilts 
and cottonades. Most of the people in the neighbourhood 
of New-Orleans, and in the other settlements, especially 
at Point Coupee, On Red River, and in the Atacapas, and 
Apalousas, spun and , wove such articles of clothing as 
were necessary for their slaves ; and these consisted of a 
mixture of cotton and wool. They find on experiment, 
that such domestic manufactures are of great importance, 
and begin pretty generally to metamorphose some of their 
female slaves into spinners and weavers, and some of their 
male slaves into smiths and carpenters. When we took 
possession of Louisiana, the Island of Orleans contained 
only one machine for spinning cotton ; another was in ope- 
ration in the Apalousjs. In New-Orleans there was one 
manufactory of cordage, and several of shot and hair 
powder. In the neighbourhood of that city were also 
twelve distilleries for making taffia, a spirit somewhat si- 
milar to New-England rum, and likewise one sugar re- 
finery. 



COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURES. 30 J 

The manufactures in U pptr-Louisiana, especially in ar- 
ticles of clothing, were of a similar nature. The inhabi- 
tants generally cultivated a sufficient quantity of cpiloa 
for family purposes, and spun and wove it into cloth. 
They were not able to defray the expenses of foreign ma- ' 
nufactured articles ; thf prices of which in these upper 
regions, were very exorbitant. They were, however, des- 
titute of regular manufacturing machinery> except those 
of simple construction, generally used among the more 
indigent class in the states; these required much labor, 
and the process was slow. The manufacture of lead and 
salt is rhentioned in another place. These articles, as well 
as iron in various forms, ship building, duck, and cordage, 
leather, and a variety of others, might be manufactured to 
a great extent, if the inhabitants were possessed of enter- 
prise, and of capitals equal to the objects. 

Luxury in every country treads closely on the heels of 
industry. The attention of people is usually drawn in the 
first instance to the manufacture of necessary articles, next 
to those of convenience, and then to those of voluptuous- 
ness. Thus it happened on the Mississippi, and indeed in 
all our western possessions. The manufacture of taffia at 
New-Orleans, and of whiskey in Upper Louisiana, was 
early introduced. It unfortunately happens, that men in 
our warm climates, especially of the laborious class, are 
attached to stimulating liquors, and th'.s proves iheir de- 
struction. They are guided more by their appetites than 
by their reason. Asnanjed, however, to confess such a 
■ dereliction of principle, they have invented many inge- 
nious arguments to prove the absolute necessity of a 
copious use of ardent spirits. One has the gout, and 
stimulating potions will drive it away. A second is cold, 
and they will v/;irm him. A third is warm, and they will 
ccol him. A fourth is distur!)ed in his mind, and they 
■will cMittrati- his ttres. A ii th cornplius o-: the foul- 
ness of the \\attr, unci lucy wiii puriiv it. A sixth, from 



306 SKETCHES OF LOUISI ANA. 

long habit, has become habituated to ihem, and they alone 
will steady his nerves, and keep him in an equilibrious 
state. Such reasoning as this may be heard in every part 
of the western country, and is considered as conclusive 
against all the opposite sentiments of the divine, moralist, 
and philosopher. It may be safely doubted, whether, on 
the west side of the mountains, more have not fallen vic- 
tims to intemperance, than to the tomahawks and scalping 
knives of the savages. A dangerous evil exists, calculated 
to destroy the morals and lives of the inhabitants ; but. 
perhaps, a remedy is not within the reach of the civil 
power. It may be safely doubted, whether any measure 
calculated to remove, or even to lessen the evil, could be 
carried into effect. When men become debased in prin- 
ciple, their passions and appetites are not easily controled, 
and the pursuit of " treasons, stratagems, and spoils," ex- 
cite,, no compunction or remorse in their bosoms. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAFIER X. 



LEARNING AND RELIGION. 



THE Spanish authorities afforded but very little en 
couragementto learning. Whether it was their policy to 
keep men bound down in the chains of ignorance, or whe- 
ther poverty and other imperious obstacles intervened to 
obstruct the progress of education, is not easily conjectur- 
ed. It is certain, however, that the Spaniards were ex- 
tremely solicitous to maintain the catholic faith. No doubt 
the prevalence of knowledge had a tendency to expose the 
absurdity of some of their religious creeds, and to weaken 
th'. ties, which connected th.-m with the established church. 
Perhaps, too, they were of opinion, that a legalized reli- 
2r 



308 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

gion, mixed with a variety of incomprehensible subtleties, 
was of more political advantage to a state, than the nume- 
rous divisions in society, occasioned by as many modes of 
faith. 

The people of Louisiana are not to be censured for the 
want of more literature among them. Their natural ca- 
pacities are good, and they learn whatever they undertake 
with remarkable facility. We here speak of the French 
and Spaniards, who were born and educated in the coun- 
try ; not of those who removed into it late in life. The 
wart of a more general difFasion of knowledge must part- 
ly be attributed to the inattention of the government; the 
public treasury advanced but little money for the support 
of seminaries of learning ; no law was ever made to com- 
pel the inhabitants to maintain schools. Even in New- 
Orleans, the capital of the province, two schools only were 
patronized by public authority. The preceptors of one of 
them were paid by the king, though they instructed their 
pupils in the Spanish language only, and in writing, and 
common arithmetic. The Ursuline Nuns also usually re- 
ceived six hundred dollars per annum from the public ; 
and this sum, together with the avails of about one thou- 
sand acres of land belonging to the convent, enabled them 
to educate twelve female orphans. In addition to these 
they received young ladies as boarders, and instructed 
them in reading, writing, and needle work. There were 
also some private schools in the city ; but they were of no 
great use. The settlements at a distance from the capital 
were still worse provided, and a person who could read 
and write was considered as a kind of prodigy among them. 

In thf early part of the last century, when the French 
in Upper Louisiana were at the apex of their glory, a col- 
lege of priests was established at Ivaskaskia. The prac- 
tice of most other catholic countries obtained here ; the 
poor were neglected, while some of the most wealthy and 
considerable were permitted to quaff at this literary foun- 



I.EARNIXG AND RELIGION, S09 

tain. The liberal and useful sciences, however, were but 
very little cultivated in this seminary. Scholastic divinity 
afTorded almost the only subjects of investigation ; and in- 
stead of the noble works of Greek and lloman authors, 
their library was composed almost wholly of the huge fo- 
lios of the holy fathers, and the pious reveries of more 
modern enthusiasts. Of what salutary use was such a se- 
minary to the people at large? It was in this quarti r aa 
at Xew-Orleans, no regulations vrere officially made on the 
subject of general education. The people now and then, 
sensible of the advantages of information, voluntarily con- 
tributed to the support of common schools among them ; 
in which some of their children were instructed in reading, 
writing, and counting-house arithmetic. But schools a- 
raong the poor, without any other support than voluntary 
contributions, and not cherished by the governnient, either 
v/ith money, or coercive sanctions, are generally of short 
duration, and produce no good or lasting effects in societv. 
Hence we find, that the native French are extremely defi- 
cient in education ; multitudes of them cannot either read 
or write their names ; yet their manners are free and easy ; 
their conversation is pleasant, and often instructive, and 
many of them manifest extraordinary natural endowments, 
St. Louis and St. Genevieve were among the first villages 
to maintain private schools, and to open to the \outh the 
treasures of knowledge. These schools, however, were 
only occasional ; and to obtain sufficient and speedy edu- 
cations, some of the more opulent sent their sons to the 
seminaries in Canada. Upper Louisiana can boast of se- 
veral native Frenchmen of education ; and also of many 
others of the same description from France and other 
countries. 

The English Americans in that country, who compose 
at least three fifths of the popul ition, are still more defi- 
cient in schools ; and this necessarily arises from their 
dispersed situation. They migrated from various quar- 



310 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

ters, and of course partake of all the varieties of charac- 
ter and acquirements found in the United States. Those 
from the eastern and middle states are the best educated. 
The remainder are from the back parts of the southern 
states, V. here less attention is paid to the diffusion of lite- 
rature among the people. 

In contemplating the character of the French people, 
the old observation, "that ignorance tends to happiness," 
seems in a degree to be verified among them. If we ad- 
mit this observation to be correct, we degrade human na- 
ture ; but of all the people on the globe the French in 
Lraiisiana appear to be the happiest. Their happiness, in- 
deed, may be of the negative kind; but if the occurrences 
of the pi-esent moment, the reflections on the past, and the 
anticipations of the future, give them no painful sensations, 
we can hardly pronounce them miserable ; their minds are 
passive, except when roused by insult or imposition, and 
they are exempt from those dreadful pangs, which attach 
themselves to the victims of sensibility. Indolence is pre- 
valent among them ; but they are honest in their dealings, 
and punctual in the performance of contracts. They ob- 
tain bat little, and little satisfies their desires. They usu- 
ally live within their incomes, and are never so uneasy as 
M/hen in debt. While the English ximiricans are hard at 
labor, and sweat under the burning rays of a meridian 
sun, they will be seated in their houses, or under some 
cooling shade, amusing themselves with their pipes and 
tobacco, in drinking of coffee, and in repeating the inci- 
dents of their several perambulations over distant lakes 
and mountains. When occasion presses, however, they 
are not deficient in exertion. Many of them follow boat- 
ing and the Indian trade ; and these require much labor, 
■activity, and circumspection. They are very patient under 
fatigues, and will subsist for months on such food as the 
woods afford without a murmur. They enjoy what they 
have, and are pevfcctly contented with ir. 



LEARNING AND RELIGION. 311 

In fine, Upper Louisiana exhibits an assemblage of cha- 
racters, manners, and customs, of greater variety than 
iTiost other countries. Unless measures be taken to con- 
solidate and assimulate them, the same variety will be 
apt to continue, and be productive of disunion, litigation, 
and unfriendly feelings. The sooner this heterogeneous 
mass is amalgamated, and attempts made to exterminate 
those prejudices, and varieties of character, which disfi- 
gure this frontier portion of the union, the better for the 
United States. In the event of success, the people would 
be more attached to the government, less liable' to con- 
template a separation, or resort to such foreign standards 
as may possibly be vinfurled on the Mississippi. Indeed, 
lew of the French, and part of the English Americans 
only, were at first reconciled to the change, though they 
never manifested any discontent. The former did not 
doubt the justice of the United States ; but they seemed 
to feel as if they had been sold in open market, and by 
this means degraded; the treaty of 1762, and the change 
under it in 1769, rushed on their minds, and awakened 
all their apprehensions. The latter anticipated taxation, 
many of whom had abandoned their native country to 
avoid it, and voluntarily became the subjects of a govern- 
ment, careful not to impose any burthens on the agricul- 
tural part of the community. The best way to secure the 
affections of these people, is gradually to change their modes 
of thinking ; and the only way to attach them to our re- 
publican systems, is to enlighten their minds by a more 
general diffusion of knowledge among them. An acade- 
my, under the direction of the government, seems the 
best calculated to effect these important purposes. This 
would gradually introduce the English language among 
the French, without the destruction of their own, and 
awaken a spirit of enquiry and investigation. The Eng- 
lish Americans would also derive j^rcat advantages from 
it. At present they are not hu Ticiently opulent to send 



312 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

their children to seminaries out of the country, and they 
have none in it. If a liberal endowment of lands was 
made to aid the purposes of such an institution, the re- 
mainder of the expense would probably I>e defrayed bv 
the people, who, on proper occasions, are not destitute of 
patriotism and public spirit. This portion of the country 
must one day form one or more states. Such a literary 
institution would gradually mould the rising generation 
into statesmen and legislators ; produce a long list of 
TuUies and Chathams to preside over the destinies of 
Empire j give birth to useful designs, inventions, and dis- 
coveries ; enable genius, at present buried in obscurity, 
*' to ascend the brightest heaven of invention," and to re- 
flect new rays of glory on the literary world. 

With respect to the essentials of religion, mankind are 
generally agreed. They anciently disputed and wrangled 
about the mere forms and ceremonies of it ; and in this dis- 
pute rivers of blood were spilt. Even our pious ances- 
tors in the reign of Elizabeth, n)Ost of whom were rigid 
puritans, viewed all the rites and ceremonies of the catho- 
lics as badges of superstition; many things in the worship 
of the reformers were equally odious to them, particular- 
ly the ring in marriage, and the use of the surplice ; these 
were considered by some as fundamental errors. At one 
time in some parts of Europe the real presence in the sa- 
crament was maintained by many as necessary to salva- 
tion ; while others, equally pertinacious, deemed it hete- 
rodox, and contended for a more liberal construction of 
the scriptures. This dispute,, like an earthquake, shook 
the christian world, and served in the end to cover religi- 
on and its zealous professors with odium. Much less 
blameable were those who worshipped tangible objects as 
symbols of the divinitv, such as blocks of wood and mar- 
ble, vegetaliles and animals, and even the waters of rivers. 
Much more consistent and less culpable were those, who 
sacrificed to the manes of sainted impostors, and derived 



LEARNING AND RELIGION. ^13 

their religious creeds from the Alcaron of Mahomet, and 
the A^idam of Brumma. Modern professors of Christi- 
anity differ almost as much among themselves as they do 
from those whom they stigmatize as pagans and infidels. 
Kach sect has its particular notions, which must be sup- 
ported, right or wrong. Sectarians reciprocally enter 
viet armies into the vineyards of each other; a contest en- 
sues ; mines and count r-mines are constructed ; and at 
last it generally happens, that all, or the greater part, are 
destroyed or maimed by the explosion. If the scriptures 
in many particulars are obscure, why quarrel about the 
construction of them ? Some contend for immersion in 
baptism, and others for sprinkling, as if on a right choice 
depended the happiness or misery of men in another 
world. It is improper to censure either formality, because 
it is possible, that both may be correct. No one ought to 
denounce his neighbor for the exercise of a privilege, 
which he deems of importance to himself. In fine, the 
quarrels among professed christians about religion, and the 
ceremonies of it, are so many evidences of their depar- 
ture from the true spirit of the gospel. 

Among the French and Spaniards in Louisiana, one 
form of religion only prevails. A variety of religious te- 
nets are professed among the English Americans. These 
have removed into the country from various quarters, and 
therefore it cannot be expected, that their religious opini- 
ons are materially different from those prevalent in the se- 
veral places where they were born and educated. They 
exhibit a mixture of baptists, methodists, calvinists, and 
episcopalians. They are not formed into religious socie- 
ties, and the laws make no provision for the support of 
teachers; nor indeed are any teachers exclusively attached 
to any particular village or setdement. Those who occa- 
sionally expatiate on the truths of revelation in a public 
manner, are mere itinerants; and it is unfortunate that more 
of them do not exercise this sacred office. The benefits 



314 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

of this itinerancy are partial, and only now and then 
enjoyed by the people to any considerable extent. Un- 
der the Spanish government the Roman catholic faith was 
the only authorised religion, nor was the exercise of any 
other permitted. Those of other denominations were ex- 
tremely embarrassed ; they could not conscientiously wor- 
ship in the catholic temple ; nor were they allowed to re- 
ceive the salutary exhortations of a public speaker of their 
own persuasion, or to partake of the sacramental feast in 
the way prescribed by their own devotional formulas. 
The human mind, when once liberated from the fetters of 
religious servitude, reflects with pleasure on the emanci- 
pation of itself, and views with a mixture of horror and' 
satisfaction the prison from which it has escaped. The 
United States have restored the professors of all religions 
to liberty ; but it cannot be expected, that all the advan- 
tages afforded by this liberty will be immediately enjoyed. 
The scattered situation of the people renders a speedy 
union impracticable ; though it is presumed that, as the 
settlements increase in number and wealth, the public du- 
ties of religion will become more prevalent. The rising 
generation stand in need of them ; and how degraded 
must men be, who are not instructed in the great princi- 
ples of morality and religion ! It is pleasing to observe 
the Catholicism of those of different opinions and sects, 
and with what ardor they embrace every convenient op- 
portunity to become acquainted with the sublime truths 
of revelation. 

The French and Spaniards are uniformly of the Roman 
catholic persuasion, and great sticklers for their particular 
modes of worship ; though they discover no disposition 
to alter or control those of other sects. The priests un- 
der the Spanish government were paid by the crown, and 
many of them, to retain their salaries, departed from the 
country when the change took place. Tlie fact is, that 
these people, unaccustomed to contribute to the support of 



Learning and REurioN. 315 

the clergy, were unwilling to set an example, which they 
considered a3 burthensome and unprecedented ; though, 
from the characters and talents of some of their priests, 
it is unfortunate, that they did not resolve on a different 
line of conduct. While the French were in possession of 
the country, they were not only furnished with mission- 
aries from Europe, but were occasionally supplied with 
teachers from the college of priests at Kaskaskia. Of the 
labors of these missionaries, we may form some judg- 
ment from the accounts they have left us of their travels* 
They encountered the greatest hardships, and frequently 
exposed their lives to the merciless tomahawks of the sa- 
vages. In propagating their religion they braved death in 
ten thousand shapes ; they have left to their successors in 
the same vineyard, though few of this description now re- 
main, examples of suffering and patience, which alone: 
could result from an elevated faith, and a well grounded 
hope. 

The policy of the French cabinet, in relation to the co- 
lonies in general, never extended to Louisiana. In Cana- 
da, the priests as early as 1663, procured the establish^ 
ment of tithes ; and these amounted to one thirteenth part 
of the products of labor, and of spontaneous growths 
This, however, was deemed so exorbitant, and was so se- 
verely felt by the people, that the council of Quebec in 
1667, reduced the tithes to one twenty-sixth part, and this 
reduction was soon after confirmed by an edict. No tithes 
were ever levied or claimed in Louisiana, either under the 
French or Spanish governments ; and the people of that 
country were exempted from many other burthens of a 
similar nature, imposed on those of the other colonies. 

The clergy at New-Orleans under the Spanish govern- 
ment consisted of a bishop, who never entered the prov- 
ince, two canons, and five curates^ Twenty other cu- 
rates were dispersed among the parishes in the country* 
The bishop was entitled to four thousand dollars per an- 
2 s 



310 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

num from a certain revenue; established in Mexico and Cuba* 
The two canons were allowed six hundred dollars each ; 
and each of the curates from thrt- e hundred and sixty-five 
to four hundred dollars per annum. These salaries were 
paid by the crown, as also those of the Sacristans, and 
some chrtpel expenses. Three of the curates resided in 
Upper Louisiana, one of whom acted as vicar. Burial and 
marriage fees were considerable ; and these, added to their 
salaries, aftbrded the clergy a decent support. 

Perhaps the levity displayed, and the amusements pur- 
sued, by the French people on Sundays, may be consider- 
ed bv some to border on licentiousness. They attend mass 
in the morning with great devotion ; but, after the exereises 
of church are over, they usually collect in parties, and pass 
away their time in social and merry intercourse. They 
play at billiards and other games ; and to balls and assem- 
blies the Sundays are particularly devoted. To those edu- 
cated in regular and pious habits, such parties and amuse- 
ments appear unseasonable and strange, if not odious, and 
seem prophetic of some signal curse on the workers of 
iniquity. It must, however, be confessed, that the French 
people on those days avoid all intemperate and immoral 
excesses, and conduct themselves with apparent decorum. 
They are of opinion, that there is true and undefiled re- 
ligion in their amusements ; much more, indeed, than ex- 
ists in certain night conferences, and obscure meetings, in 
various parts among the tombs. When questioned rela- 
tive to their gaiety on Sundays, they will answer, that 
men were made for happiness, and that the more ihey are 
able to enjoy themselves, the more acceptable they are to 
their Creator. They are of opinion, that a sullen counte- 
nance, an attention to gloomy subjects, a set form of speech, 
and a stiff behaviour, are much more indicritive oi hypo- 
crisy than of religion ; and they have often remarked, 
that those who practise these singularities on Sundays will 
most assuredly cheat and defraud their neighbors during 



LEARNING AND RELIGION. ' si7 

the rest of the week. Such are the religious sentiments 
of a people, void of superstition ; of a people prone to 
hospitality, urbanity of manners, and innocent recreation ; 
and who present their daily orisons at the throm^ of grace 
^vith as much confidence of success as the most devout 
puritans in Christendom. 

It is a truth not to be contested, that a pure and ration- 
al religion, such as is contained in the sublime pages of 
revelation, is of infinite use to mankind in a temporal 
sense. It is the foundation of integrity and moral recti- 
tude ; the link which unites societies and nations, and the 
best antidote to the belligerous passions. Those who prac- 
tice it are more punctual in their engagements, and of 
course greater confidence is placed in them, la their in- 
tercourse with the world, whether as individuals or as 
nations, they enjoy many advantages and immunities, de- 
nied to those of an opposite character. They preserve 
an equanimity of temper and conduct, which gives a pe- 
culiar zest to their pleasures in prosperity ; and they ex- 
perience that inward sunshine of virtue, which enables 
them to sustain with fortitude the greatest calamities. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER XI. 



CHARACTER OF THE LOUISIANIANS. 



IT is the character of the Creoles, or natives of Lou- 
isiana only, of which we are to treat ; and this embraces 
their manners and customs. Of these we have occasion- 
ally spoken in various parts of this work ; but a more co- 
pious illustration is necessary, particularly as several pub- 
lications have appeared on the subject, as different in their 
conclusions from each other, as from the genuine charac- 
ter of the people of Louisiana. 

It is no easy task to place in its proper point of view 
the character of any people with all its discriminating fea- 
tures. None but those master spirits, the accurate ob- 



320 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

servers of mankind, can excel in this species of writing. 
The most incurious observer may perceive a wide differ- 
ence between the general character, manners and customs, 
of different societies ; but the vast variety of minute shades, 
which are so arranged and combined as to produce a com- 
plete whole, are much less perceptible. 

The Creole French are at least a century behind other 
civilized nations in the arts and sciences, if not in the 
amenities of life. Three causes have contributed to keep 
them stationary. The first is, that most of the original 
settlers were extremely illiterate, and this in some mea- 
sure accounts for the same condition of their posterity : 
Their attention was almost wholly drawn to such laborious 
pursuits as were calculated to yield them a subsistence, 
and left them no time for the acquisition of learning. The 
second is, the inattention of the government, or, in other 
words, the defect of their social institutions. These were 
not of a nature to encourage literature, but .rather to re- 
press it ; and the people had no ambition to excel, especi- 
ally as the highest literary attainment was never consider- 
ed as a passport to fame, except perhaps in the religious 
orders. The third is, that Louisiana was in a manner 
insulated from the rest of the world ; the inhabitants sel- 
dom mixed with strangers ; and strangers had no induce- 
ments to visit them ; the trade of the country was either 
prohibited, or the products of its soil, till a late period, too 
unimportant to tempt their enterprise. 

Notwithstanding these impediments, the people appear 
to much more advantage than others under like circum- 
stances. Many of the most opulent planters along the 
Delta and Red River cannot either read or write ; and 
yet they will converse fluently, and with much seeming 
confidence, on a variety of subjects, where mathematical 
learning is necessary to a solution. They will debate on 
complicated machines, the utility or defects of which can- 
not be determined without a knowledge of mechanics, and 



CUARACTER OF THE LOUISIANIANS. 32I 

propose substitutes and experiments with as much appa- 
rent judgment as if they were complete masters of the 
principles of the art. This want of information cannot 
be imputed to all; for some of the Creoles possess real 
intelligence, and are well instructed in several branches of 
Useful learning, though their number is too limited to af- 
ford, in this respect, a very favourable reputation to the 
country. 

Perhaps these defects are less apparent from the native 
vivacity of the Louisianians. This vivacity, indeed, is 
peculiar to the French, and, in no situation does it wholly 
forsake them. Tt> this may be ascribed their passion for 
social intercourse, which is always gratified when oppor- 
tunities permit. They are particularly attached to the ex- 
ercise of dancing, and carry it to an incredible excess. 
Neither the severity of the cold, nor the oppression of the 
heat, ever restrains them from this amusement, which 
usually commences early in the evening, and is seldom sus- 
pended till late the next morning. They even attend the 
balls not unfrequently for two or three days in succession, 
and without the least apparent fatigue. At this exercise 
the females, in particular, are extremely active, and those 
of the United' States must submit to be called their infe- 
riors. 

The dancing asGemblies of the ^larterons^ or free peo- 
ple of color, in New-Orleans, are not the least interesting 
in point of beauty and dress. They enjoy much more 
consideration in that country than is usual in any other. 
They never associate with blacks ; and as there is a -strong 
barrier between them and the whites with respect to mar- 
riage, they may be said to form a distinct class. Tiie 
females possess the most beautiful forms and features. If 
they are accustomed to bestow their favors on the higher 
orders of society, it is always for stipulated periods, and 
no depravation of manners is observable among them. 
Gentlemen of distinction resort to their ball-rooms, and 



322 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Other places of amusement, where decency and decorum 
maintain their empire. 

To the social nature of the French may in part be at- 
tributed their fondness for games of hazard, and in part 
to occasional relaxations from toil and fatigue, when amuse- 
ments become necessary to their active and volatile dispo- 
sitions. The repetition of any one soon ceases to afford 
pleasure ; what pleases them one day will disgust the next, 
and nothing short of a variety will satisfy them. Hence 
it is, that they escape from the ball-room to cards, from 
cards to billiards, from billiards to dice, from dice back 
again to the ball-room, or to some other pastime, and so on 
alternately. Gambling in New-Orleans is reduced to a 
profession, where members of the fraternity from the U- 
nited States rendezvous in great numbers. It is not known 
in Upper Louisiana as a science, though it is becoming pre= 
valent, especially among the English Americans. The loss 
of time is never considered by the French as an evil, be- 
cause if it were not spent in this way, it would be wasted 
in some other, perhaps equally injurious, and more preju- 
dicial to health. Indolence often induces them to seek re- 
pose on the sofa or mattress. 

To what cause shall we impute the preservation of their 
ancient manners and customs ? These have not varied in any 
great degree for two centuries, and are nearly the same 
among all classes. The poor country peasantry exhibit the 
polished exterior of the more wealthy villagers. Their man- 
ners indicate their origin too plainly to be mistaken ; which 
serves as a proof, that the characteristic traits of a people, 
though severed from their country and nation, are not ea- 
sily changed or obhterated. These have been preserved 
in more purity among the Creoles of Upper-Louisiana 
than among those along Red River and the Delta ; per- 
haps because they have mixed less with Spaniards, Ger- 
mans, and other strangers. They likewise have a greater 
share of education, at least those of the more wealthy class j 



CH.VIIACTKR OF THE LOUISIANIAXS. 305 

perhaps, because they had it more in their power, when 
young, to visit the literary institutions of Canada. 

The French are prompted to marry early in life ; the 
climate dictates this practice ; and they are usually blessed 
with a numerous progeny. The women have more influ- 
ence over their husbands than is common in most other 
countries. Perhaps this arises in part from the example 
of the parent state ; in part irom the respect, which the 
men entertain for their wives ; and perhaps still more from 
the almost exclusive right, which the women have to the 
property, in consequence of marriage contracts. Matches 
are often made by the parents, and the affections and incli- 
nations of the children are not always consulted. 

A short acquaintance with the women might lead a 
prudish observer to believe, that there existed a laxity in 
their morals. Nothing would be more unjust than such a 
conclusion. If, in their manners and conversation, they 
are less guarded than their female neighbors on the east 
side of the Mississippi, it proceeds from a national habit, 
and from an unsuspicious temper, and not in the least de- 
gree from a corruption of principle or sentiment. To 
whom shall we iippeal as the criterion of purity ? Nations 
essentially differ in their conceptions of virtue and vice. 
This difference has been created by habit; and the French 
consider their women, (and they consider justly) as much 
exempt from impropriety as those of some other coun- 
tries, who remain almost invisible during their lives. 

It has been observed in another place, that the Creoles, 
or native inhabitants, are partly tlie descendants of the 
French Canadians, and pardy of those who migrated 
under some of the first governors of Louisiana. These 
are intermixed with some natives of France, Spain, Ger- 
many, and the United States, and in many instances with 
the Aborigines. 

Most of them are small in statue, and slender in their 
make, though their bodies and limbs are remarkably well 



324 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA . 

proportioned, supple, and active. Their complexions arc 
somewhat sallow, and exhibit a sickly aspect, though they 
exptrience a good degree of health, which results in a great 
measure from the nature of their food, (mostly of the vege- 
table kind) and their manner of dressing it. They usually 
possess a keen piercing eye, and retain their sight longer 
than most other people. They are almost strangers to the 
gout, consumption, the gravel and stone in the bladder, and 
in general to all chronic complaints. The hair of the old peo- 
ple in the Delta, and neighborhood of it, retains a dark 
brown color; while that of the old people in ITpperLouisiana 
commonly becomes grey. The young men at this time mani- 
fest no great passion for long hair ; not many years ago they 
were seen with queues dangling about their legs. Most of 
the laboring class disregard dress, and appear no better at 
home than on a trading voyage among the Indians. 

The complexions of the women are, in general, much 
fairer than those of the men ; perhaps because they are 
less exposed to the vicissitudes of the seasons, particular- 
ly the burning rays of the sun. They are usually hand- 
some when young, but when arrived to the age of thirty- 
five or forty, their bloom mostly forsakes them, and they 
become wrinkled and withered. This observation is par- 
ticularly applicable to those of the Low Country, about the 
Delta and Red River. They are extremely fond of dress ; 
they possess ease, grace, and penetration j they are re- 
markably loquacious, and their manners are more polished 
than thos-j of the men ; they are hospitable, and manifest 
much pleasure in offering to their guests and visitors the 
best things they are able to furnish. They have one fault not 
easily extenuated ; they are habitually cruel to their slaves. 

If their manners be more polished than those of the 
men, it ought not to be wondered at. The estimation in 
which they are held, no doubt contributes to it. They 
mix more in society. The men, except along the Delta, 
are more or less engaged in trade among the Indians. 



CHARACTER OF THK LOUISIANIANS. 305 

This is sufficient to give a peculiar cnst to their manners; 
and the pride they take in filling the wardrobes of their 
family females, contributes in no small degree to the ine- 
quality between them. It is not uncommon to see thirty 
or forty charming females in a ball-room, dressed with 
taste and even elegance, suited to the most fashionable 
society, when perhaps the males of their own families ap- 
pear in their blanket coats and moccasons. It is rare to 
see in such an assembly more than four or five young 
men, whose appearance is even tolerable. This strange 
diversity is prevalent in the detached settlements of the 
country, and it even appears in some of the villages. 

The French Creoles are temperate ; they mostly limit 
their desires to vegetables, soups, and coffee. They are 
great smokers of tobacco, and no doubt this gives a yel- 
low tinge to the skin. Ardent spirits are seldom used, 
except by the most laborious classes of society. They 
even dislike white wines, because they possess too much 
spirit. No doubt the warmth of the climate is, in some 
measure, the cause of this aversion. Claret, and other 
light red wines, are common among them; and those who 
can afford it are not sparing of this beverage. 

Great oeconomy is displayed in their family meals. This 
is not the effect of a parsimonious disposition, nor always 
of the want of adequate means ; it results from the nature 
of the climate, and from a conviction of what their con- 
stitutions require ; they readily sacrifice what may be 
termed luxury for the preservation of health, and it is sel- 
dom they contract diseases from intemperate excesses. 
Naturally volatile in their dispositions, they sometimes 
precipitate themselves from one extreme to another. 
Hence it is, that, in making entertainments for their friends, 
especially for strangers of distinction, they study to render 
them sumptuous ; their tables are covered with a great va- 
riety of dishes ; almost every sort of food dressed in all 
manner of ways, is exhibited in profusion. The master of 



326 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

the house, out of respect to his guests, frequently waits on 
them himself. Oi; such occasions no trouble or expense 
is spared in procuring the best wines, and other liquors, 
the country affords. Thtir deset-ts are no less plentiful, 
and there is no Wimt of delicacy in their quality or variety. 
Man", of these entertainments cost from two hundred and 
fiity to four hundred dollars, especially in Upper Louisiana, 
where the luxuries of the table are much more expensive 
than in th.- Delia. 

This occasional display of luxury may be imputed by 
some to fastidious pride. The reputation of poverty is 
almost as dreadful to them as the reality ; and even the 
appearance of wealth affords some satisfaction, if they are 
not worth a cent in the world. Pride, indeed, is a pre- 
dominant feature in their character, and sometimes proves 
injurious to them, because it is the pride of appearing to 
as much advantage as their more wealthy neighbors, and 
of feeling the deep mortification of a disadvantageous 
comparison. For nearly eighty years after the first set- 
tlement of the country, there was no inequality of wealth 
to trouble their repose, or at least no invidious display of 
it. The most perfect equality in point of famil\- expen- 
ditures seemed to reign among them. The sudden de- 
mand for the rich products of the country soon created 
opulent fortunes. The transition from competency to sur- 
plus wealth, introduced all the fashionable luxuries of 
commercisii countries. Examples are contagious; and the 
less opulent precipitated themselves into extravagant ex- 
penses, which W!-:re useless, and which their circumstances 
by no means authorised ; so that in the course of the last 
thirty or forty years, as great a desparity has arisen be- 
tween the pecuniary means of each other, and consequent' 
ly between the several conditions of life, as now exists in 
any part of the United States. It must Ukewise be ad- 
mitted, that they possess no small share of vanity, which 
renders this desparity the more troublesome. 



CEIAKACTER OF THE LOUISIANIANS. 327 

These qualities, however, are less culpable in them th m 
in most other people ; because they arise from purer prin- 
ciples, and are not so injurious to society. Their pride 
and vanity are of a nature to inspire them with a high 
sense of honor, to render them honest in their dealings, 
and to stimulate them to be as punctual in the payment of 
their debts as their abilities will admit. Punctuality, in- 
deed, was inculcated as a duty under their colonial sys- 
tems, and these systems rendered it habitual to them. 
These people have yet to learn, (and they will probably 
soon learn) the procrastinations, tricks, and impositions, so 
successfully practised in some other territories. The art 
of deception, when calculated to work an injury, is hardly 
known among them. In fine, they are never so uneasy as 
when in debt, and never more happy than when released 
from the apprehension of a legal process. They are by 
no means fond of litigation, and suits were rare among 
them under the Spanish government. These observations, 
however, must be admitted with some caution when ap- 
plied to the people in the vicinity of the capital, who have 
mixed with strangers, and imbibed their vices. 

The manners of all the Creoles sufficiently indicate, 
that they have been accustomed to a government very dif- 
ferent from our own ; and hence the truth of this observa- 
tion, that in the features of every people may be discover- 
ed the features of their political systems. As a proof of 
this we need only refer to the extreme deference they pay 
to men in power, particularly to those of the military pro- 
fession, and to the obedience they yield without a murmur 
to the official dictates of their superiors. Another proof 
is, that they apparently seek occasions to manifest their 
attentions ; and if on their superiors they have an oppor- 
tunity of conferring a favor, it is not from obsequious mo- 
tives, or the expectation of pecuniary reward, but from 
habitual respect. 



328 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Notwithstanding they consider a spare diet as necessary 
to health, yet it is found, that the best livers enjoy the 
greatest share of it ; not because they consume a greater 
quantity of food, but because they have it more in their 
power to exercise their discretion in the choice of it. A 
wholesome nutritive diet, and a considerable portion of 
indolence, produce many instances of obesity, particularly 
about New-Orleans, and along the coast of the Delta, 
which is less common among the men than women. These 
make a liberal use of the warm or tepid bath, which re- 
laxes their systems, and serves to render them corpulent. 

The Louisianians, particularly about the Delta, indulge, 
to some excess, one of the fashionable vices of older 
countries. Most of the married men lavish their atten- 
tions on dissolute females, whom they usually take under 
their protection. These, in most instances, are selected 
from the mixed breeds ; except among the Spanish settlers, 
who prefer a fat black wench to any other female ! It is 
not easy to account for this depravity of taste. The Spa- 
niards carry their impure connexions to a much greater 
extent than any other description of inhabitants. 

The Creoles in general are remarkably neat and cleanly 
in their houses. Their furniture, usually fabricated by 
the artizans of the country, is rough and misshapen ; yet it 
is polished to a high degree. Their floors in many in- 
stances are waxed, and as smooih and bright as a maho- 
gany dining table. This passion for cleanliness is particu- 
larly exhibited b\- the women, who frequently carry it to 
excess. All house affairs exclusively belong to them, and 
the men incur d) small danger when they attempt to in- 
terfere with their prerogatives. Even in most instances 
of purchases and ^ sales, the women are consulted; and 
they not unfrequently assume the management of property. 

The mode of building, as practised by the first settlers, 
is still preserved. The houses are mostly built of wood, 



CHARACTER OF THE LOUISIANIANS. 329 

except in those villages situated in the neighborhood of 
stone quarries. The manufacture of brick is of recent 
date in Louisiana. Several houses in New-Orleans have 
been constructed of this material, and the inhabitants be- 
gin to appreciate its value. The houses in general are of 
one story high only, and either wholly or pardy surround- 
ed by arcades or piazzas, from eight to twelve feet broad. 
They usually have a spacious hall in the centre, which 
communicates with the rooms on each side of it. Houses 
of two stories high are less safe on account of the sudden 
and violent squalls of wind in that country. This mode 
of building is convenient in other respects. The arcades 
or piazzas afford agreeable shades, under which the inha- 
bitants n-pose themselves during the heat of the day ; 
they likewise serve to shelter them from the dews and 
rains; and many families eat and sleety under them in 
summer. 

It has long been a question, whether the inhabitants of 
warm climates possess as vigorous intellects as those of 
cold ones ? Were the labors of literary men taken as the 
Ci itcrion, perhaps it would be found, that the literary pro- 
ductions of warm climates contain more sprightliness and 
fancy ; those of cold ones more solid erudition. The ex- 
tremes of climate, however, have less effect on the intel- 
lectual powers than some are disposed to believe. If the 
literature of warm climates be less erudite than that of 
cold ones, it must be imputed in some measure to moral 
causes. In the former the human faculties arrive to ma- 
turity much sooner than in the latter : The passions are 
much stronger; they are less under the control of reason; 
and the opportunities of improper indulgence much more 
frequent. Hence impure connexions are early formed, 
which necessarily superinduce effiminacy both of body and 
mind. Slavery no doubt has an effect on the moral fa- 
culties; it is much more common in warm than in cold 
countries ; it steels the mind to the sentiments of huma- 



330 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

nity ; it is productive of idleness, and a variety of other 
maladies, which are hostile in their nature to literary pur- 
suits. This general rule is liable to some exceptions, 
and we have to regret, that these exceptions are not more 
common. 

It is said, that the French language in Louisiana has 
become considerably corrupted,especially among the low- 
er classes. This need not be wondered at, as they are 
mostly the descendants of those, who settled in North 
America about two centuries ago ; during which period 
no great intercourse subsisted between them and the mo- 
ther country, nor were the migrations sufficiently nume- 
rous to afford a progressive improvement in the language. 
Many individuals, however, speak the French language in 
its purity ; they have made it a point to acquire it, and to 
forget their provincial dialects. 

It is hardly necessary to add, that the Creoles are ob- 
stinately attached to the Roman catholic religion. If 
health and prosperity in some measure divert their atten- 
tion from it ; yet in the hour of affliction, particularly 
when apprehensive of death, they cling to it as the only- 
anchor of their hope. Thev are strict observers of the 
festivals prescribed by their religion, and of the days de- 
voted to their favorite saints. 

These people possess a variety of peculiar customs, 
wholly derived from their Canadian ancestors, such as re- 
late to marriages, dancing assemblies, and the like j but 
as we aim to avoid prolixity, they will be passed over 
with this remark, that they are calculated to promote gaie- 
ty and good humour, and appear to be stamped with the 
features of innocence and simplicity. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 



CUAPTER XII. 



STATE OF SLAVERY. 



WE have already seen, thnt Louisiana contains more 
than forty thousand slaves. The climate, the productive 
nature of the lands in that country, and the accumulation 
of wealth beyond all former example, seem to render it 
highly probable, that their number will soon exceed that 
of the whites. 

It is an invidious task for a man, born and educated 
where slavery is unknown, to indulge any strictures on 
the municipal policy of respectable states and territories, 
or to arraign at the bar of public justice the flagitious 
conduct of their citizens ; yet considerations of a higher 
2u 



332 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

nature than those resulting from local prejudices and ha- 
bits, suggest the propriety of a few remarks. When we 
see the feeUngs of humanity outraged, the most odious ty- 
ranny exercised in a land of freedom, and hunger and na- 
kedness prevail amid plenty, who but must lament the in- 
fraction of those universal moral obligations, which sub- 
sist between different nations, societies, and individuals, 
and which are inscribed on the heart of every man, and 
mistaken by none ! 

Experience has long since convinced the more intelli- 
gent planters, that the profits they derive from the labor 
of their slaves are in proportion to the good or bad treat- 
ment of them. But those planters of an opposite charac- 
ter are much the most numerous, perhaps they form nine 
tenths of the whole, especially among the French and 
Spanish settlers in Lower Louisiana. In no part of the 
world are slaves bettt-r treated than in the Mississippi 
Territory, where the planters generally allow them salted 
meat, as much corn meal as they can consume^ cows to 
furnish milk for their families, land for gardens, and the 
privilege of raismg fowls. They also allow them one suit 
of clothes for summer, and another for winter. Their 
slaves are active and robust, and enabled to perform their 
allotted portions of work with ease. Such treatment ren- 
ders them contented and honest, and punishments are rare 
among them. Each good slave, wtll clothed and fed, will 
yield a yearly clear profit of two hundred and fifty or three 
hundred dollars. No small degree of satisfaction is de- 
rived from the performance of good actions ; and happy 
is he, who is not accused by his conscience of aggravated 
wrongs done to the human species. 

When we pass into Louisiana, we behold a different 
and more disgusting picture. The French and Spanish 
planters, in particular, treat their slaves with great rigor ; 
and this has been uniformly the case from the first estab- 
lishment of the colony. They were at first too poor to 



STATE OF SLAVERY. 333 

supply their slaves with clothing and food : Add to this, 
their families stood in need of the avails of their labor ; 
and every expense incurred on account of their comfort 
and support was viewed as a serious evil. Hence this o- 
riginal defect in the system has been considered as a pre- 
cedent by subsequent generations, not because they view 
the examples of their ancestors with reverence, but be- 
cause they conceive it redounds to their interest. These 
planters are extremely ignorant of agricultural pursuits, 
and of the quantum of labor in the power of a slave to 
perform in a given time. Few of them allow any cloth- 
ing to their slaves, or any kind of food, except a small 
quantity of corn ; and even this they are obliged to pound, 
or grind, while they ought to be at rest. The consequence 
is, that the slaves are extremely debilitated, and incapable 
of much labor. One well fed negro is nearly equal to 
three of them. Their masters and overseers affcct to be- 
lieve, that their want of industry arises from laziness, and 
a perverse disposition. Hence cruel and even unusual 
punishments are daily inflicted on these wretched crea- 
tures, enfeebled, oppressed with hunger, labor, and the 
lash. The scenes of misery and distress constantly wit- 
nessed along the coast of the D. Ita, the wounds and lace- 
rations occasioned by demoralized masters and overseers, 
most of whom exhibit a strange compound of ignorance 
and depravity, torture the feelings of the passing stranger, 
and wring blood from his heart. Good God ! why sleeps 
thy vengeance ! why permit those, who call themselves 
christians, to trample on all the rights of humanity, to en- 
slave and to degrade, the sons and daughters of Africa ! 
The evils of the slave system in Louisiana may, in a 
great measure, be attributed either to the want of energy 
or intelligence among the governors of that province. As 
their appointments were limited to short periods, seldom 
extending beyond five years, the accumulation of wealth 
was the predominant motive of their actions, and some of 



^24t SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

them did not hesitate at the means. They neglected the 
great concerns of the province ; no attempts were made to 
populate it till since the American revolution ; no encou- 
ragement vi?as afforded to agriculture and commerce, nor 
to manufactures and the arts. An exception, however, 
must be made in favor of the B ron Carondtlet, to whom 
the province is more indebted than to all his predecessors. 
Jle saw and lamented the deranged state of this portico 
of the dominions of Spain j and while he was devising 
and carrying into effect some salutary regulations for the 
improvement of the country, he was removed to another 
government: Yet, during his administration, he repaired 
the fortifications at New-Orleans, improved the commerce 
of the province, and greatly increased the population of 
Upper Louisiana. The wretched condition of the slaves, 
over whom their masters exercised an almost despotic 
power, did not escape his attention. But such were the 
inveterate prejudices and habits, and even customs, which 
he had to encounter, that he despaired of a complete re- 
novation, and therefore aimed only to mitigate the woundsi 
he was unable to heal. 

In 1795 he published an ordinance on the subject, by 
which he established the monthly allov.'ance of corn in the 
ear, to each slave, at one barrel. It was recommended to 
masters to assign waste lands to their slaves for the pur- 
pose of enabling them to raise the necessaries of life ; and 
if this allovvance was denied them, they were obliged to 
furnish each of them with a linen shirt and trowsers for 
summer, and a woollen great coat and trowsers for winter. 
Labor was to commence at the break of day, and to cease 
at the approach of night. Half an hour was allowed for 
breakfast, and two hours for dinner. Slaves were allowed 
on Sundays to rest, or to work for themselves, except in 
time of harvest, when their masters were authorised to 
employ them, paying them about thirty cents each per 
diem. Punishments at one time, under a penalty of fifty 



STATE OF SLAVERY. 335 

dollars, were not to exceed thirty lashes ; but the stripes 
were allowed to be repeated after the interval of a day. 
It was permitted to fire on armed negroes, who had de- 
serted their masters ; also on those unarmed, if they re- 
fused to submit when required, or presumed to defend 
themselves against their masters or overseers ; and like- 
wise on those who entered a plantation with an intent to 
steal. Those who killed or wounded a negro, except in 
the above cases, were threatened with the severest penal- 
ties of the law. The amusements among slaves were re- 
stricted to Sundays ; and the planters were forbidden, un- 
der a penalty of ten dollars, to suffer any strange negroes 
to visit their plantations after dark; and they weri. also 
forbidden, under a like penalty, to permit any intrigues or 
plots of escape to be formed on their plantations by ne- 
groes belonging to others. No slave was permitted to 
leave the plantation of his master without a written per- 
mission, under a penalty of twenty lashes ; and if any 
slave was found riding the horse of his master without 
the like permission, he was liable to receive thirty lashes. 
Fire arms, powder, and lead, found in the possession of 
slaves, were liable to confiscation ; and such slaves were 
adjudged to receive thirty lashes. No planter was al- 
lowed to employ more than two slaves to hunt for him at 
the same time ; and on their return from the chase thev 
were obliged to deliver up their arms. No slave was al- 
lowed to sell any thing, not even the productions of his 
own labor, without the permission of his master. 

This picture, however dark and deformed it mav ap- 
pear, exhibits many favorable traits, when compared v-itb 
the slave system in operation before the administration ol 
the Baron : yet a man of reflection, unacquainted with 
slave policy, would be apt to consider even this as the 
production of some Goth or Vandal, designed to disfigurr 
and to brutalize the image of the Creator. The labor iir- 
posed on slaves is equal to the powers of the most roblls^ 



336 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

men ; and yet for their subsistence they are tantalized 
with a small pittance of corn, which they are obliged to 
grind or pound for themselves, and also with the hard 
choice of a little waste land, which they have not time to 
cultivate, or a few rags to hide their nakedness, or to 
guard them against the severity of the weather. Hunger 
and labor render them feeble, and the calves of their legs 
are as flabby as the dulap of a cow. Those who have the 
greatest number of slaves, treat them the worst ; avarice 
is the hydra of their cruelty. 

Authors have remarked, that the bitterness of slavery 
is more severe in free th m in arbitrary governments. 
According to this sentiment the slaves in the United States 
were always worse treated than those in Louisiana ; but 
this was not the case, though the sentiment holds good 
with respect to the Spanish provinces, where, in conse- 
quence of a late revolution in their slave system, slaves 
are treated with kindness, and even live as well as their 
masters. If they acquire sufficient money to purchase 
their time, the law directs their ransom. Those treated 
improperly have a right to demand letters of sale, and are 
authorised to seek new masters for themselves. If they 
are refused this privilege, the magistrate of the place ex- 
amines into the nature of the complaints, a:id, if well 
founded, grants the permission required, or disposes of 
the injured slaves at public vendue. Instances of the lat- 
ter kind often occurred in Louisiana. 

It is a stain on the character of civilized nations, that 
slavery was ever authorised among them ; and how a chris- 
tian people can reconcile it to their consciences, no one 
can determine, except it be on account of interest. Here 
then we find a motive for all our actions, much more 
powerful than the dictates of morality and religion. 
AVhile we keep so many of our fellow creatures in bond- 
age, let us cease to talk about liberty and the rights of 
man; let us not claim for ourselves what we deny to oth- 



STATE OF SLAVERY. 337 

trs. The slavery occasionally imposed on some of our 
citizens by the Barbary powers, has more than once ex- 
cited the sympathy and indignation of the United States. 
Those the most clamorous for revenge, whether individu- 
als or organized bodies, and the most forward to condemn 
the practice of those powers, seem not aware, that they 
stand self-convicted of the same offence ; the censures 
they bestow on the pirates of the Mediterranean, are so 
many libels on their own conduct. Modesty dictates, that 
we be more reserved on the subject of personal liberty, at 
least till we emancipate those whom we retain in bondage. 
With what justice can we demand the enjoyment of a 
right, when at the same time we prohibit it to others? 

AVe all know, that slavery is coeval with history, per- 
haps with the world. The sources of this system among 
the ancients were various ; particularly the absolute pow- 
er exercised by parents over their children, either to kill, 
or to sell them ; and likewise that of disposing of their 
criminals and insolvent debtors, as well as their prisoners 
taken in time of war. 

To the disgrace of America, and of human nature, ne- 
gro slavery has its origin on our continent. The benevo- 
lent father De las Casas, the advocate of oppressed hu- 
manity in the new world, exclaimed against the slavery of 
the Indians ; and, finding his efforts of no avail, proposed 
to Charles Y, in 1517, the slavery of the Africans as a 
substitute. This proposal had the effect of lightening the 
chains of the natives, and of forging new ones for the in- 
habitants of another hemisphere. The Spaniards, how- 
ever, from some religious scruples, refused at first to en- 
gage in the importation of slaves from Africa ; though 
they eased their consciences by opening their ports to 
their adniis-.ion, and by employing other nations to traffic 
for them. The Abbe Raynal says, that about nine milli- 
ons of negroes were landed in the Spanish colonies, and 
that less than fifteen hundred thousand existed in his time. 



\ 

338 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

Such an amazing diminution of the Africans must be at- 
tributed to barbarous cruelty. The example of the Spa- 
niards was soon followed by the other European nations. 

The most substantial argument in favor of slavery, is 
derived from the right of the strongest. The origin of 
this right may be traced to the dark ages of barbarism. 
Modern civilized nations do not sell their children, nor 
enslave their insolvent debtors, nor even their prisoners of 
war, to whose services they have some shadow of claim ; 
but they depredate on the harmless and inoifensive Afri- 
cans, merely to gratify their avarice, without the least 
provocation, and without any apprehended danger of their 
power. The laws of most European nations disclaim the 
right of slavery ; and the great oracle of English juris- 
prudence declared some years ago from the bench, that* 
by the laws of that kingdom, a right of property could 
not exist in the human species. The common law of the 
United States recognizes the same doctrine. If slavery 
be maintained in some of the individual states and terri- 
tories, it is by virtue of particular statutes, added to the 
mutual concessions inserted in the federal constitution. 

Slave-holders pretend to justify negro slavery on two 
grounds. The first is,' that other nations still continue the 
practice ; and therefore to abandon it themselves would 
have no sensible effect on the general system. The se- 
cond is, that the slaves they purchase were reduced to this 
coiidition in their own country ; and therefore they are 
now in as eligible a situation as if they had never crossed 
the ocean. 

Tl:is reasoning has no better foundation than avarice ; 
and to this single quality of the mind must be attributed 
all the uuserifs of the many millions of human beings in 
bondage. Can the wickedness of other nations be justly 
adduced as an ;;pology for our own ? If precedent be al- 
lowed to sanctify crimes, why are robbers and murderers 
exposed to the vengeance of the laws ? If other nations 



STATE OF SLAVERY. 339 

have done wrong, it becomes us to avoid the pernicious 
example. Were we to adopt some plan for the gradual 
aliolition of slavery, it might possibly have some effect on 
the policy of others. We have prohibited the importation 
of slaves ; Great Britain has done the same ; and some 
other nations appear inclined to abandon the traffic. These 
prohibitions will induce slave holders either to treat their 
slaves with more kindness, and by this means enable them 
to preserve their number by propagation ; or they will gra- 
dually waste away under the rigors of their fate, and even- 
tually become extinct. However, none of the consequen- 
ces of either case strike at the root of the evil. 

To purchase Africans, who were reduced to bondage 
in their own country, is as criminal as to purchase those 
of a different description. The wars among the tribes of 
Africa are mostly fomented by slave merchants, and these 
merchants secure millions of prisoners merely for the 
purposes of traffic. Is it no crime to tear men from their 
country, families, and friends ? The Africans are not des- 
titute of sensibility, and they frequently manifest it in a 
manner, which does honor to human nature. The indig- 
nity and cruelty with which they are treated, often induce 
them to put a period to their existence, even in the pre- 
sence of their masters and overseers ; and shall we con- 
clude, that this is the effect of insanity rather than of a 
greatness of soul ! When the whites cease to purchase 
slaves, wars in a great measure will cease among the A- 
fricans, and their numerous tribes enjoy as much peace 
and harmony as other nations in the same circumstances. 
There are physical evils enough in the world without the 
addition of artificial ones ; and it becomes us as men and 
as christians to provide against the asperities of the for- 
mer, and to prohibit the creation of the latter. 

Notwithstanding the guards placed on the slave system 
by the constitution and laws, and by the treaty of cession, 
which secures to the Louisianians the enjoyment and per- 
2 X 



S40- SKETCHES OF LOUISUNA, 

petuity of their rights, perhaps a way may be devised to 
remove this badge of our disgrace, without an infringe- 
ment of either. It must be admitted, that the right of 
property in slaves cannot be invaded ; yet doubts may 
arise as to the extent of this right, and it will be necessary 
to ascertain it with precision. The laws of some nations 
impose on the child the condition of the mother ; the con- 
sequence is, that the children of freemen are often born 
slaves, and many of them drag out their existence in ser- 
vitude under their own fathers. Louisiana presents at 
least one instance of melancholy depravity; the father 
disposed of several of his children as slaves, together 
with their mother. Among some nations the contrary 
prir cipie obtains ; the child born of a female slave follows 
the condition of the father. This principle is much more 
just than the other, though it is attended with one diffi- 
culty not easily removed ; the father cannot be so readily 
ascertained as the mother. At any rate, this kind of 
right, from the very nature of things, is limited to actual 
slaves ; it does not attach till they are in existence ; it is 
not present and absolute, but contingent and future. If 
this position be correct, and it is supported by some good 
authorities, it seems to follow, that the legislature may 
provide for the emancipation of the children of slaves, at 
any age it pleases, born at some stipulated future period. 
Were such a measure adopted, it is easy to see, that a 
gradual abolition of slavery would take place among us. 
Perhaps this plan is less objectionable than some others, 
which have been frequently suggested ; and it may be so 
modified and extended as to embrace a provision for the 
benefit of the objects of it. 

The advocates of slavery not only contend, that the child 
ought to follow the condition of the female parent, but that 
the right of the master extends to the possible issue of the 
mother ad hijimtum. The consequence of this doctrine 
is that slavery must continue as long as female slaves 



STATE OF SLAVERY. 34I 

propagate their species ; and that, to provide for the e- 
mancipation of future generations, would be illegal and 
unconstitutional. This doctrine obtains in many parts of 
the United States, particularly in the Indiana Territory'; 
in which "slavery and involuntary servitude" are express- 
Iv prohibited by the ordinance of 1787'. The obvious con- 
struction of this prohibition is, that the slaves at that pe- 
riod in existence were entitled to their freedom ; or at 
least, that the children of female slaves, born after the 
adoption of the ordini\nce, were born free. If therefore 
the doctrine alreadv mentioned be correct, they can claim 
no legal exemption from slavery, and of course the prohi- 
bition is a nullity. The practice in that territory seems to 
correspond with this strained and pernicious construct'on 
of the ordinance. Slave property, while it exists, ought 
not to be infringed ; and if no legal means can be devised 
to abolish it, let it be perpetual. 

It is difficult, even for men of moderate tempers, to 
suppress their indignation at one of the pretexts adduced 
in support of slavery, that the whites are unable to labor 
in some climates on account of the excessive heats ! If 
we be allowed to consult our convenience without regard 
to the means ; if each white is at liberty to make fifty or* 
a hundred blacks wretched and miserable to promote his 
interest, and to gratify his avarice ; then let us abandon 
our moral and political creeds, and study only to render 
our consciences inaccessible to remorse. The God of na- 
ture never intended, that one part of the human race 
should be governed by the whims and caprices of the oth- 
er ; nor that artificial evil should become a substitute for 
attainable good. The pretext is futile in every point of 
view. Nature has fitted men for labor in the climate where 
they are born and educated. A citizen of Georgia is as 
well qualified to labor in that state as a Yankee in New- 
England ; the effects of heat and cold are about the same 
on both. Add to this, it so happens, that in the warm 



342 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

latitudes the lands are much more prolific, and much more 
easily cultivated, than in colder ones ; of course less labor 
is required to gain subsistence. The native inhabitants 
of Lower Louisiana experience no inconvenience from the 
heats ; and those employed in navigating the rivers are 
exposed to more fatigue than is common to any other class 
of our citizens. Besides, in that country, and in the Mis- 
sissippi territory, hundreds of families from the middle 
and eastern states, have planted themselves. For several 
years after their arrival, their characteristic industry was 
evident ; and they experienced no dangerous effects from 
the climate, except a troublesome lassitude for the two or 
three first years. The accumulation of wealth enabled 
them to purchase slaves ; after which, like their neigh- 
bors, they contracted habits of indulgence. The heats, 
therefore, furnish no material obstruction to manual la- 
bor ; and the effects of them in the southern states and 
territories are more than counterbalanced by the exube- 
rant nature, and the valuable productions, of their lands. 
Much indeed is due to the people of slave states, to whom 
slavery has become familiar from long habit, and, perhaps, 
iu their view, necessary to their prosperity, if not to their 
existence. Their feelings, and even prejudices, are enti- 
tled to respect ; and a system of emancipation cannot be 
contrived with too much caution. 

The fact is, that the people of the eastern states expe- 
rience more inconvenience from the rigors of the seasons 
than those of the south. In New -England the mercury 
sometimes rises to one hundred degrees, and as often falls 
twenty degrees below zero. The exti-emes of heat are 
greater in New-England ; but they are not of so long con- 
tinuance, nor is the air so humid and unelastic as in the 
southern parts of the union, which are doubtless more or 
less prejudicial to health. Still these traits are more to- 
lerable than the opposite extreme in New-England, where 
the country is covered with snow, and bound in icy chains 



STATE OF SLAVERY. 343 

for nearly six months in the year. Both men aiid beasts 
suffer from the rigors of winter ; and the necessary sub- 
sistence for them, is obtained at a prodigious expense and 
labor. In Lower Louisiana the whites may labor nine 
months in the year, without experiencing any inconveni- 
ence from the heats ; and three months labor in that quar- 
ter is productive of more real value than twelve months 
in New-England. Add to this, cattle and swine need no 
other food than what the earth spontaneously yields ; and 
every planter has it in his power to supply himself with 
almost any number he pleases. In whatever light, there^ 
fore, we view the subject, the greatest advantages are at- 
tached to the southern states and territories. 

The pernicious system of slavery deserves reprehension 
from another motive. No country can become populous 
where it prevails ; and this truth is attested by numerous 
examples. We need cast our eyes only on the West-India 
Islands, and on the southern states of the union. No part 
of the country possesses a more happy climate, or*a better 
soil, than the great state of Virginia ; yet her white po- 
pulation is comparatively small. Kentucky is a slave state ; 
^d if her population be considerable, it must be attribu- 
ted to accidental causes, which are not difficult to explain. 
The state of Ohio is now in its intimty : slavery is exclu- 
ded from her bosom ; and this very tircumsiance will in- 
duce a rapid population, augment her strength and resour- 
ces, and soon enable her to rise superior to her neighbor. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER Xin. 



ANTIQUITIES. 



MANY antiquities worthy of notice cannot be sup- 
posed to exist in Louisiana. Indeed, all the monuments 
to be found of a hoary nature, may be traced to the anci- 
ent aboriginals of the country ; and although they are not 
antiquities in the proper sense of the term, yet they de- 
serve a place in history as worthy of the curious and in- 
quisitive. Were it possible to present them in detail, and 
to give an accurate description of them, the philosopher 
might be assisted in his enquiries into their origin, and be 
able to gratify the curiosity of mankind relative to the 
early state of this part of the globe. Until the country be 



346 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

more explored, and accurate observers are enabled to in- 
vestigate the remains of antiquity, we must be satisfied 
with partial accounts of them, perhaps in many respects 
erroneous, derived from various sources, and many of 
them of doubtful authority. All the historian at present 
can do is, to collect these accounts, to compare and weigh 
the authorities on which they are founded, and to form 
the best judgment in his power. 

From the ancient fortifications and tumuli, and some 
other remains of antiquity, found in various parts of the 
western country, some have been led to believe, that they 
are the productions of a civilized people. Carver savs, 
(and his accounts in general have been found corrtct) that 
he examined an ancient fortification near Lake Pepin on 
the Mississippi, of about a mile in circuit, the angles of 
which were distinguishable, and appeared to be fashioned 
with as much military skill as if constructed by Vauban 
himself. Probably this account is not exaggerated, as sub- 
sequent travellers have given a similar description of the 
same work, and as other works equally remarkable, if not 
of equal extent, are found m various parts. Some of 
those in the state of Ohio have been examined, and they 
manifest a degree of mathematical precision, not to be 
expected from illiterate savages, and it is extremely diffi- 
cult to ascribe them to chance. It is admitted on all hands, 
that they have endured for centuries. The trees on their 
ramparts, from the number of their annuke, or radii, indi- 
cate an age of more than four hundred years. Most of the 
ancient fortifications, of which we speak in general, are 
spacicus, and surrounded by deep ditches, and are fur- 
nished in some instances with regular covered ways. The 
walls or parapets of earth still remain, and are generally 
from three to five feet high ; so that the lines may be ea- 
sily traced, in most instances covered with large trees, as 
old, perhaps, as any in the forest. Some of these works 
have regular bastions ; and they are all well calculated to 



ANTIQUITIES. 34- 

defend the places where they are situated. It is worthy 
of remark, that many ancient circular intrenchments arc 
found in Ireland and Scotland, and in various other parts 
of Europe ; but from the drawings made of them, they 
appear much less perfect in their construction than tHose 
in the western country. \ 

Perhaps the m6st remarkable ancient fortification with- 
in the bounds of our territory, is situated in the neighbor- 
hood of Chilicothe. It has been accurately surveyed by 
an intelligent and skilful officer of our artillerists. It is a 
regular polygon of twenty -four sides, each of which is 
about fifty-five yards in length. It has four large, and four 
small gate ways, situated opposite to each other. About 
the centre of the work, the whole of which embraces up- 
wards of twenty acres of ground, is a large mount of a 
conical figure, nearly seventeen feet high, on the summit 
of which are five or six large trees. Indeed, on all the 
lines of this extensive fortification, the trees are as large 
as those of the adjacent forest. This work manifests a 
degree of mathematical skill, not possessed by the abori- 
gines, and by a few only, of those deemed intelligent 
whites. To suppose it the invention of any other than a 
skilful mathematician, requires a greater extent of credu- 
lity than is allowable among men of sense and reflection. 

Perhaps it will never be known by whom, nor at what 
time, these fortifications were erected. IMankind are in the 
dark on this subject, and simple conjectures must supply 
the place of correct authorities. There is, however, some 
reason to believe, that they were constructed by a people 
much more civilized than the present race of savages. 
Till we are better informed, it seems fair to attribute them 
to the Welsh, particularlv as there is some evidence to 
prove, that three small colonies of that nation landed in 
America more than three centuries before the days of 
Columbus. The science of fortification, as practised by 
2 Y 



848 SKETCHES OF LOLHSIAXA. 

the Romans, Saxons, Danes, and Normans, and generally 
by the other nations of Europe, was probably well under- 
stood in Wales long before Madoc and his people left it. 
This was probably the last of the arts to escape them, as 
no doubt they continually practised it in defending them- 
selves against their enemies ; and from their peculiar si- 
tuation we have reason to conclude, that it was not wholly 
obliterated till after a lapse of several centuries. 

On a subject of so much obscurity, no apology is ne- 
cess iry for the conjecturt s hinted at. If the origin of the 
numerous fortifications, dispersed over the western coun- 
try, cannot be traced with any reasonable degree of cer- 
tainty, it is not wholly superfluous and unpardonable, to 
indu'gt- such conjectures as the obscure nature of it will 
afford. 

The reader may attach what credit he pleases to the 
following story : Soon after the settlement of the French 
in the Illinois country, something like the cog-wheel of a 
mill, constructed in a rough manner, was found floating 
down the Missouri. The man who discovered this spe- 
cimen of mechanic skill, lived to a great age ; and there 
are now some old people on the Mississippi, who have of- 
ten heard him relate the occuri'ence. The reader is re- 
quested to bear in mind what we have said in another 
place, relative to the existence of a white nation about the 
heads of that river. 

Several publications have announced that, on opening a 
copper mine on the Mississippi, some distance below the 
falls of St. Anthony^ the laborers found some tools adapted 
to the work, several fathoms below the surface of the 
earth ; and that in digging a well, a furnace of brick work, 
with some coals and fire brands, were discovered thirty 
feet under ground. Of the great depth of these tools, 
coals, and fire brands, we have some doubt ; but such a 
discovery is the more probable, as the French opened and 



ANTIQUITIES.. ^-i^ 

worked some copper mines in that quarter more than a 
eentury ago, and they eventually abandoned them on ac- 
count of the hostile disposition of the Indians. 

The bones of the Mammoth, or of some other enor- 
mous animal, may at least be ranked among the curiosi- 
ties, if not among the antiquities, of Louisiana. To what 
kind of animal they belonged, or at what time they were 
deposited in their present beds, is difficult to ascertain. 
Such accounts are given of their quantity and size, as al- 
most to exceed belief. Some, (who have viewed them) 
pretend, that an entire skeleton may be formed, more than 
sixty feet long, and more than twenty-five feet high. This 
is not altogether a figure of rhetoric; for certain it is, that 
many bones of an uncommon size and length are found in 
various places, particularly on the Osage river, and be- 
neath the surface of the ground. A square of several 
hundred yards in extent, situated in the vicinity of a salt 
spring, is filled with thtm ; and what is still more extra- 
ordinary, they are intermixed with human bones. The 
ground, in which they are deposited, is of a spongy na- 
ture, and receives the substances rolled down by the rains 
from an adjoining hill. About the year 1796, a gentle- 
man at St. Louis collected several sets of the teeth, some 
of which were but little decayed, and presented them to 
the Baron Carondelet at New-Orleans. They were com- 
pared with those of the elephant ; and it was the opinion 
of the Baron, that they belonged to that animal. Some of 
the bones alluded to are petrified, and others much decayed; 
and the author of these sketches has frequently examined 
those of both descriptions. 

Almost all parts of the western country, present us 
•with pyramids or mounts of earth, which were doubtless 
intended either as works of defence, or as depositories 
of the dead. Hardly any part of Louisiana is destitute 
of them ; and they mostly abound in those places the test 
adapted to culture. Many of them are from fifty to a hun- ' 



350 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

dred yards in length, and from ten to thirty feet high, ter- 
minating each way in a regular slope. Numbers of them 
have been penetrated in a horizontal direction. Some of 
them contain a multitude of arrow heads, fragments of 
pipes, and a rude kind of ware, made of clay. Others 
furnish several strata of a white glutinous substance, con- 
taining a considerable degree of moisture, and divided 
from each other by layers of common earth. This sub- 
stance was no doubt produced from human bones, which 
time, and the operation of the elements, have converted 
into its present state. In some instances, indeed, the 
bones are found almost entire ; whether this circumstance 
may be imputed to the qualities of the ground, or to re- 
cent burial, cannot well be determined. 

No doubt some of these tumuli were the receptacles of 
the common dead ; while others received the remains of 
chiefs, or of warriors who fell in battle. No less than five 
remarkable mounts are situated near the junction of the 
Washita, Acatahola, and Tenza, in an alluvial soil. They 
are enclosed by an embankment, or wall of earth, at this 
time ten feet high, and ten feet wide, which contains about 
two hundred acres of land. Four of these mounts are 
nearly of equal dimensions, about twenty feet high, one 
hundred feet broad, and three hundred feet long. The 
fifth seems to have been designed for a tower or turret ; 
the base of it covers an acre of ground ; it rises by two 
steps or stories ; its circumference gradually diminishes 
as it is ascended, and its summit is crowned by a flatted 
cone. By an accurate admeasurement, the height of this 
tower or turret has been found to be eighty feet. Per- 
haps these works were designed in part for defence, uvd 
in part for the reception of the dead. Twenty-oiie of 
these tumuli or pvramids present themselves to view in a 
clusjer just below Kahokia. There are several of them 
in the vicinity of St. Louis ; two of which are of a large 
size, with an elcvatiotl of about twenty feet j one of them 



ANTIQUITIES. 351 

forms .aearly a square, with a flat open space on the top. 
Mnny of them are found about the falls of St. Anthony, 
and at various other places in the country, mostly in the vi- 
cinity of water courses. 

Many of the ancient nations buried their dead in this 
way, especially those of quality and consideration among 
them. Ireland still exhibits the remains of these tumuli ; 
ancf accordins^ to the drawings made of them, they ap- 
pear to resemble those on the Mississippi. Plutarch says, 
that Alexander, on the death of Demaratus, "made a 
"most magnificent funeral for him, his whole army 
"raising him a monument of earth eighty cubits high, 
" and of a vast circumference." The Scythians, accord- 
ing to Herodotus, " labored to raise as high a monument 
" of earth for their dead as possible." Semiramis endea- 
vored to eternize the memory of Ninus, her husband, by 
raising a high and broad mount for his tomb. The same 
practice obtained among the Spartans and ThracianS, and 
even among the Jews ; for they raised a great heap of 
stones over the body af Acham, who had purloined the 
accursed thing. All rude and uncultivated nations have 
raised ihese pyramids of earth, either as mausoleums, or 
as cenotaphs to the memory of those they respected. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIAJNA. 



SOME of the rivers of Louisiana are Incidentally 
noticed in various parts of this work, and care will now 
be taken to avoid repetition. No part of the world of the 
same extent seems to afford so great a number of rivers, 
and few indeed of equal magnitude. Had they been known 
to the ancients, with what raptures would their historians 
and poets have described them ! The Achelous and Teli- 
boas are insignificant rivers, when compared with the 
Mississippi and Missouri ; and yet Thucydides and Xe- 
nophon exerted all their powers to render them immortal. 
Some of the moderns have distinguished themselves in 



354. *• SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the same field of description, particularly Mr. Orme, who 
ha? painted the Ganges in all the charms of a poetic and 
animated diction. The two great rivers of Louisiana fur- 
nish themes still more pregnant with the sublime and 
beautiful. The great length of them, the variety of scenes 
exhibited by them ^s they roll among the mountains, or 
over' fertile and extensive plains, or along the alluvious 
spine of iiiundated regions, at once charm the senses, and 
warm the imagination. The facilities they vield to com- 
merce, the superfluous wealth of several states and terri- 
tories conveyed ontheir waters to the ocean, the variety 
of clim'ates, soils, and productions on their borders, the 
mineral and other subterraneous riches ready to reward 
the toils of industry and enterprise, all seem to be de- 
signed by Heaven as significant tokens of two or more 
rising constellations in the west, not inferior in magni- 
tud and brightness to any other in the American hemis- 
phere. 

Elaborate details and descriptions are inconsistent with 
the nature of this work ; nor are sufficient data at hand to 
authorise the attempt. 

Until within a very short period, the United, States, 
and indeed the English and Spaniards, were totally igno- 
rant of the sources of the Mississippi and Missouri. 
Their knowledge of the former was mostly limited to 
the falls of St. Anthony, and of the latter to the Mandan 
nation ; and even below these points it was extremely de- 
fective. The voyage of Colonel Pike to the source of the 
Mississippi, and that of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke to the 
source of the Missouri, and from thenc£ to the Pacific 
Ocean, will no doubt, when published, afford much infor- 
mation of our interior regions, and gratify the curiosity 
of the inquisitive enquirer. These gentlemen prosecuted 
their discoveries under the auspices of a liberal govern- 
ment ; and their success is noless honorable to themselves 
than advantageous to the United States. 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 355 

What is denominated the source of the Missouri is the 
junction of three rivers or branches, nearly of equal size, 
each of which is about sixty yards in breadth. This junction 
is formed in about north latitude forty five degrees twenty 
two minutes, in the rocky or shining mountains, which are 
spurs or prolongations of the Andes. Little is known of the 
two southern branches. The most northern one is navigable 
to near its source, two hundred and forty eight miles above 
the junction already mentioned. From this junction, in an 
opposite direction, to where the Missouri leaves the moun- 
tains is one hundred and eight) one miles ; so that this 
great river flo^vs four hundred and twenty nine miles in the 
mountains, and two thousand six hundred and sixty seven 
miles below them, before it unites with the Mississippi. 
Hence from its source to this union is three thousand and 
ninety six miles ; from thence to the gulf of Mexico is 
about one thousand three hundred and sixty four miles ; 
making the whole length of the Missouri four thousand 
four hundred and sixty miles ! The general direction of it 
below the Mandans is nearly south east and north west ; be- 
tween the Mandans and the mountains its direction inclines 
more to the east and west ; and within the mountains to the 
south west and north east. 

There is some reason to believe, as is stated in another 
place, that a water passage may be found to the Pacific 
Ocean by means of the middle or southern branch of the 
Missouri. Such is the nature of the evidence on this sub- 
ject, added to the great importance of such a water com- 
munication, that the fact ought to be ascertained. If a 
communica'tion of this nature should be found to exist, 
though obstructed by falls and rapids, it requires no great 
penetration to perceive the immense advantages it is cal- 
culated to yield. 

The jTOcky or shining mountains are several hundred 
miles in breadth. They are composed of several spurs or 
ridges, generally extending south west and north east, and 



356 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

alternately rising one above another. Some fruitful vallies 
are interpersed among them, especially along the water 
courses. They approach the river in a variety of in- 
stances ; some of them, indeed, are in a manner suspend- 
ed over it, and exhibit a prodigious elevation. They are 
mostly abrupt and barren, and their summits probably en- 
veloped in perpetual winter, as they are known to be 
crowned with snow in the month of July. 

Some of these mountains, particularly those situated 
to the eastward of the great chain, are composed of a fine 
white clay, which, when washed by the rains, is precipi- 
tated into the rivers and streams below ; and hence the 
color of the water in the Missouri, and the unctuous im- 
purities it contains, may be explained without a labored 
analysis. These qualities extend even to the sea. The 
gradual projection of the land into that element is owing 
to the deposition of these and other impurities. The 
formation of the numerous sand banks and islands, and 
the alluvious nature of the lands on the Missouri and 
lower Mississippi, may be ascribed to the same cause. 
The water is lively and soft, and the specific gravity of it 
about the same as that of rain or snow water. A common 
tumbler, filled with the Missouri water, and suflPered to 
remain undisturbed for a few hours, will be about one 
third full of sediment. Notwithstanding this, the inhabi- 
tants drink it in preference to any other ; partly indeed, 
because they deem it healthful, and in this particular they 
iudge correctly. Some of them put it into large stone 
jars, and let it stand till the sediment has subsided. Oth- 
ers filtrate it through stone or sand, and others again ren- 
der it clear and transparent, by putting into ic a small 
quantity of alum, or the kernel of the peach stone, either 
of which precipitates the impurities to the bottom. The 
greatest number, however, use the water in its impure 
state, and experience no bad effects from it, The Mis- 
souri water is impregnated with sulphur and nitre, and 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 357 

those who drink of it pretend, that it is a remedy for cu- 
taneous diseases. Certain it is, that it operates as a gen- 
tle cathartic on those unaccustomed to the use of it. 

Among the mountains, and for a great distance below 
them, the navigation of the Missouri is either obstructed by 
falls and rapids, or by shoals and sand bars, and likewise 
by a strong current. On ascending the river, the first and 
most remarkable falls are seventy one miles below the 
mountains, and two thousand five hundred and seventy five 
miles from the Mississippi, in north latitude forty seven de- 
gress three minutes. These falls consist of four great pitch- 
es ; the first is ninety eight feet, the second nineteen feet, the 
third nearly forty eight feet, and the fourth about twenty six 
feet, exclusive of others of less note. They extend up and 
down the river about eighteen miles, and the whole fall in 
this distance rather exceeds three hundred and sixty two 
feet. Small craft only can navigate the river above the 
Mandans, particularly in the season of Ioav water. Be- 
tween the Mandans and the Mississippi, boats of consi- 
derable size may navigate the river at all seasons ; though 
above the river Platte the navigation is rendered tedious 
and troublesome by numerous sand banks and bars, which 
approach the channel in all directions. The channel con- 
tains water of sufficient depth at any season; but it is dif- 
ficult to trace its meanders. AVhen the water is high, ge- 
nerally from April to June, it moves at the rate of nearly 
five miles an hour ; and yet a boat will ascend it at this 
season more easily, and with much greater speed, than 
when the freshets have subsided. The swell of the water 
renders the banks stable and safe ; it covers the numerous 
trees and other drift stuff, which oppose the navigation in 
low water, and produces an eddy or counter current along 
shore, which is of great advantage ; it also shortens the 
distance, because it enables boats to keep near the banks, 
and to avoid circuitous passages round islands ; whereas 
in low water they are obliged to trace with great labor the 



358 SKKTCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

2lg-20g channel among sand banks and other obstructions, 
altrrnately extending from one shore to the other. 

Few animals are found in the mountains, except bea- 
vers, and these are numerous. The want of game, added 
to th. Severity of the cold, has probably induced the In- 
dians t^' prefer some other residence, as seldom any of 
them are to be met with m this quarter. Straggling par- 
ties from the Colunibia, and other rivers of the west, 
sometimes nnake their appearance in these desolate regi- 
ons ; more to avoid their enemies than to seek subsis- 
tence. 

Bttv/! f-n Yellow Stone river and the mountains, (sepa- 
rated l.y a tr-ict of aiiout seven hundred and seventy nine 
miit'S in txtent along the winding coarse of the Missouri) 
the country is steril and broken ; the numerous hills scat- 
tered over it are mostly covered with pine and cedar, and 
the bottoms and other low grounds with cotton wood and 
willows. The banks of the river are thickly studded with 
high rocky clifis. Game is plenty in this quarter; and 
among other animals incident to the country may be no- 
ticed the Ibex, or Antelope of California, called by the 
Spaniards mountain sheep ; as also white bears and v.'olves 
of uncommon size, and of ferocious dispositions. 

From Yellow Stone river to the river Platte is about 
twelve hundred and fifty eight miles,* and the Missouri 
along this tract is remarkably crooked. This portion of 
country may be considered as level, though at a distance 
from the water courses it is not destitute of hills and 
mountains, presenting arid plains and prairies of vast ex- 
tent. The bottoms along the Missouri and other rivers 
are in many places of considerable breadth, and the na- 
tural growth does not materially vary from that among 
the settlements in Upper Louisiana. Plenty of salt is 
found on the waters of the Platte, and salt springs are 

* From the source of the Kansas to that of Yellow Stone river, i-^ 
only ten days ride over land. 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 359 

frequently discovered above It along the banks of the 
Missouri. The beaver, martin, buffaloe, antelope, white 
woli, porcupine's hare, the black-tailed or mule deer, are 
peculiar to this part of the country, as well as numerous 
other species of game. Here also are to be seen vestiges 
of several ancient fortifications, one of which has been 
measured, and found to be two hundred and fifty yards 
long. The Indians are numerous in this quarter, and 
some of them have made considerable progress in the 
agricultural arts, particularly the Ottos, Missouris, and 
Pawnes, on the river Platte, and likewise several bands 
of Scioux, and others, on the Missouri. They cultivate 
large quantities of corn, pumpkins, beans, and tobacco. 
These nations or tribes occupy a vast tract of country, 
and perhaps no part of the world produces game in grea- 
ter abundance, or in greater variety. The English and 
Spanish traders occasionally approach this quarter; but it 
is in our power to paralize thtir influence, and to secure 
the trade to ourselves. Adequate supplies of goods, fur- 
nished either by the United States, or by individual mer- 
chants, would stimulate the industry of the Indians : The 
quantity and variety of peltries and furs, which they are 
able to deliver in return, would excite the surprise of those 
unacquainted with this traffic. The profits of the Mis- 
souri trade, under the Spanish government, have been 
stated in another place ; and from the results there given 
may be inferred some satisfactory conclusions of what it 
is susceptible.* 

* It is believed, that by way of the river Platte, or Yellow Stone 
river, perhaps by means of both, an easy cominunication may be 
liad with the rio Colorado, of course with California. Certain it is, 
that the sources of these rivers are in the neighborhood of each oth- 
er. It would be pleasing to examine and contemplate the country of 
the ^Mogiii. These aborigines are still independent, and manifest ex- 
traordinary advances in civilization. In this quarter of the globe, 
also, may be seen the ruins of ancient .Iztec cities and temples, lillle 
inferior in extent and grandeur to those of the elder world. 



360 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Some distance above the Mandans, and near the Mis- 
souri, a volcano has been discovered. Its eruptions are 
frequent ; and this accounts for the pumice stones, so of- 
ten found on that river, and on the lower Mississippi. 
Perhaps, too, it has some connexion with the earthqujkes, 
■which have so often agitated Upper Louisiana. The di- 
rection of these are known to be nearlv from west to east. 
From the mouth of the river Platte to that of the 
Missouri is about six hundred and thirty miles. The 
lands among the settlements have already been noticed ; 
and the remainder along this tract are nearly similar in 
appearance and quality. It may be remark( d, however, 
that along the Missouri are extensive bottoms, and that 
the high lands in the rear of them are of an excellent 
quality ; except about the head waters of the Kansas, and 
between that river and the Arkansas, where the country is 
disfigured by knobs and other inequalities of surface, 
mostly destitute of wood, and presenting a barren soil. 
These are discouraging symptoms to agriculturists; but 
this vast tract is rendered valuable from the quantities of 
salt and lead it contains. Salt springs are numerous in 
the neighborhood of the whites, and they derive their 
supplies from them. Some extensive prairies appear about 
the Osage river ; but these bear no proportion to the 
wood lands, which are calculated to sustain a numerous 
population. Mulberry trees are indigenous in this quar- 
ter, as also variotis other kinds of wild fruit trees. Grape 
vines grow in abundance along the water courses. Here 
are likewise many bluffs or ridges, almost wholly com- 
posed of iron ore. 

Perhaps the country between the Missouri and Missis- 
sippi is not the least valuable part of Louisiana. It abounds 
in salt, lead, and other minerals, and the lands are generally 
covered with a good growth of timber. It is also inter- 
sected by a multitude of small rivers and streams, which 
are calculated for a variety of useful purposes. 



OF THE KIVKRS OF LOUISIANA. 36j 

It is difficult to estimate the average breadth of the 
jVfissouri. It is of very unequal breadths in different 
places ; in some about nine hundred yards, and in others 
not more than three hundred yards. For eighteen or 
twenty miles above its mouth, it may be about half a mile 
in breadth, and in one or two instances, though for a short 
distance only, it probably exceeds three fourths of a mile. 
In some places, several hundred miles from the IMissis- 
sippi, it is wider than near its mouth. It possesses two 
remarkable features, depth of channel and strength of 
current. 

The tributary streams of this river, considering its long 
course, are not numerous ; and those flowing from the 
south west, or west, are much the largest, and of the great- 
est length. Perhaps those from the opposite direction, 
though of inferior size and extent, are equally numerous, 
and no doubt will be highly useful to the future population 
of the country. This inferiority arises from the con- 
tracted space between the two great rivers, not calculated 
to give birth to any considerable navigable waters. The 
branches of the Missouri serve to fructify the regions 
washed by them, and to open leady communications in va- 
rious directions ; to establish an intercourse with the In- 
dians, who inhabit them, and to place at our command 
such treasures as they possess. Those at present naviga- 
ted by the whites, are the Osage, Kansas, and Platte. All 
of them are extensive. The waters of the latter, as well 
as those of the Yellow Stone river, interlock with some 
of tlie branches of the rio Bravo, which washes the eas- 
tern boundary of New Mi xico. The names of the most 
considiral)lc branches of the Missouri from the south 
west, or west, their breadth at their junction, their dis- 
tance in miles from the Mississippi, and their respective 
latitudes, so far as they have been ascertained with any 
tol-rable exactness, will be CAplained, among other objects, 
in the following table : 



362 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 







Distance 












Yards 


from the 








W. Longi- 


J^mies. 


in 


Missis- 


J\'\ Latitudes. 


tudes from 




-Mtdth. 


sippi. 








Green-Mcfi. 








deg. 


min 


sec. 


min. deg. 


The Gasconade 


157 


103 


38 


44 


35 




Great Osage River 


397 


137 


38 


31 


16 




Kansas River 


230 


364 


39 


5 


25 




Big ne-ma-har River 


80 


510 


39 


55 


56 




Bald pated Prairie 




569 


40 


27 


7 




River Platte 


600 


630 


40 


54 


35 




Little Scioux River 


80 


763 


41 


42 


34 




Rapid River 


152 


1026 










White River 


300 


1148 










Te on River 


70 


1280 










Shark River 


400 


1327 


44 


19 


36 




We-ier-hof) River 


120 


1432 


45 


35 


5 




Cannon-ball River 


140 


1511 


46 


39 






Mandan Indians 




1610 


47 


21 


47 


101 25 


Little Missouri 




1700 










Yellow Stone River 


858 


1888 










M.iscle-shell River 


110 


2270 


47 





24 




First great falls 




2575 


47 


o 


10 




Rt) ky mountains 




2668 










Three great forks 




2848 


45 


22 


34 




Source'of N. fork. 




3096 











The junction of the two great rivers of Louisiana is in 
north latitude thirty eight degrees forty seconds, and forms 
an interesting spectacle. The two islands in the mouth of 
the Missouri oblige him to pay his tribute to what is deno- 
minated the father of rivers through one large, and two 
small channels. As if he disdained to unite himself with 
any other river, however respectable and dignified, he pre- 
cipitates his waters nearly at right angles across che Missis- 
sippi, a distance of more than twenty five hundred } ards. 
The line of separation between them, owing to the dif- 
ference of their rapidity and colors, is visible from each 
shore, and still more so from the adjacent hills. The 
Mississippi, as if astonished at the boldness of an intru- 
der, lor a moment recoils and suspends his current, and 
views in silent majesty the progress of the stranger. They 
flow nearly twenty miles before their waters mingle with 
each other. 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 263 

The Missouri is much larger, and affords more water, 
than the Mississippi. Geographers and other writers have 
considered it as a branch of the latter ; whereas it is the 
main river, and the Mississippi a tributary stream only. 

The obstructions in the navigation of the Missouri are 
similar to those in the lower Mississippi, which will be 
more particularly noticed in the sequel. 

By the Indians the Mississippi was called Meate C/iassi- 
pi, which in their language signifies the ancient father of 
rivers. This noble river has its source in upper red cedar 
lake in north latitude forty seven degrees forty two mi- 
nutes, forty seconds, and longitude ninetv five degrees eight 
minutes west from Greenwich. Six miles only from this 
Like are some of the waters which fall into Hudson's bay. 
The navigation of the upper part of the Mississippi is ex- 
tremely difficult, owing in part to the scarcity of water, 
and in part to numerous shoals, rapids, and other obstruc- 
tions ; one of which is the great fall of Packagama. 

The country above the falls of St. Anthony will never 
attract the attention of agriculturists. It is mostly of a 
cold and steril nature. The face of it presents sandy rid- 
ges, either covered with shrub oak, or pitch and other 
pine ; some rich bottoms, covered with elm, cotton wood, 
ash, oak, and the sug'^^r tree ; prairies, covered with a long 
coarse grass ; and swamps filled with hemlock. It is also 
chequered with numerous small lakes and rivers. Indi- 
genous berries and fruit of various kinds, are common. 
The zizania aquatica^ known by the name of wild rice, 
grows in this part of the country, as well as below the falls 
of St. Anthony, which affords the Indians a wholesome 
nutritive food. . With the exception of one or two short 
portages, a navigable water communication exists between 
lake Superior and the heads of the Mississippi, and be- 
tween the latter and the upper parts of the Missouri ; 
and this communication is exclusively frequented by the 
Canadian traders. 



364 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Perhaps no part of Louisiana is better adapted to agri- 
culture than that between the falls of St. Anthony and the 
mouth of the Missouri. This portion of it is of a rolling 
nature, and affords many charming and sublime views : 
The soil in general is rich, and calculated to yield all 
kinds of grain, grass, and vegetables, and the climate 
healthful. Prairies of any considerable extent seldom ap- 
pear, except in the upper part of this tract. Timber of all 
kinds is plenty, as also calcareous and other rock. The 
richest lead mines in Louisiana are situated in this quar- 
ter, though only partially opened j as also a sufficient num- 
ber of salines, or salt springs, to supply a crowded popu- 
lation with salt. The bottoms along the Mississippi are 
seldom inundated, and not less prolific than those on the 
Missouri. Among the trees common to the country may 
be noticed plenty of cedar and black walnut. 

The falls of St. Anthony, according to the best calcu- 
lations, are situated in about north latitude forty four de- 
grees fifty minutes. The climate is as temperate here as 
in the heart of New England. The river below the falls 
is less than three hundred yards wide, and above them 
more than six hundred yards. The water is precipitated 
over a perpendicular rock of about eighteen or twenty 
feet, and then forms a rapid of more than two hundred 
and fifty yards below it. In the middle of the fall, and 
near the top of the rock, is an island of about fifteen 
yards long, and thirteen broad, bearing some shrubs, and 
a number of spruce and hemlock trees ; and at the foot 
of the rapid is another small island, covered with a beau- 
tiful growth of oak : But it is almost inaccessible on ac- 
count of the velocity of the current. The country about 
these falls is finely checquered with prairies and copses of 
wood ; and these, together with a view of the distant hills, 
afford a prospect not only delightful, but in some degree 
sublime. 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 355 

About sixty miles below the falls, there is a remarkable 
dilatation of the river, called Lake Pepin ; on the borders 
of which are some ancient fortifications and tumuli. 

The Fn nch more than a century ago opened some 
mines in this quarter, and procured no small quantity of 
virgin copper. The Indians, however, were troublesome, 
and obliged them to abandon their establishments, as well 
as their prospects of mineral wealth. They neglected to 
repeat the experiment, though there is good reason to be- 
lieve, that abundance of copper may be obtained at no 
great distance from the banks of the Mississippi. 

The navigation of this river, between the falls of St. 
Anthony and the mouth of the Missouri, is attended with 
no difficulty in the season of high water ; but subsequent 
to about the first of July, the numerous islands, shoals, 
and rapids, obstruct the progress of boats, particularlv 
above Prairie des Chiens, and in many places prove ex- 
tremely dangerous to them; it requires experienced pilots 
to trace out the winding channel. The most remarkable 
rapids commence just above the mouth of the river des 
Mains, extending from twelve to fourteen miles up and 
down the INIississippi, at the head of which stands Fort 
Madison in about north latitude forty degrees thirty two 
minutes. These rapids are formed by successive ledges or 
shoals, which cross the bed of the river in a variety of 
places ; and in passing them the greatest caution is re- 
quisite to avoid the numerous rocks amid the strung and 
irregular currents. 

The banks of the Mississippi are in general stable, and 
for the most part exhibit plenty of rock and gravel. These 
materials, also, are spread over the bed of the river. The 
water is froe from impurities, though rather insipid to the 
taste, and much less lively and agreeable than that of the 
IMissouri. Plenty of excellent springs flow from the banks, 
and from the adjacent high grounds. 



366 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

Thi"; part of the Mississippi is fed by numerous tribu- 
tary screan-is; but the greatest number, particularly those 
of the largest size and extent, penetrate its left bank. This 
inequality is owing to the comparative narrow tract of 
country between the Mississippi and Missouri: Yet this 
tract contains some considerable rivers, iand a vast num- 
bt r of other water courses, affording a boat navigation for 
some distance into the country ; calculated in other re- 
spects to be of infinite advantage to an agricultural peo- 

The river St. Pierre joins the Mississippi from the 
west about ten miles below the falls of St. Anthony. At 
the junction of tht se rivers a fine site for a garrison pre- 
sents itself, and the Indians have ceded to the United 
States nine miles square of land for that purpose. The 
St. Pierre is navigable to the lake, out of which it flows, 
situated about four hundred miles from its mouth. Sevtral 
bands of the Scioux reside on this river and its waters, 
known under different names, and not always at peace 
with each other. The English from Canada carry on a 
profitable trade with them. It is no great distance (some 
say not more than seven miles) from one part of this river 
to the waters of the Missouri. 

The river des Mains is of some note, and calculated to 
afford great facilities to internal commerce. It joins the 
Mississippi from the west about two hundred and thirty 
miles above the mouth of the Missouri, and in about north 
latitude forty degrees twenty minutes. The source of it 
is said to be within two days travel of the Mississippi ; 
and as it is known to flow nearly parallel to the latter 
river, its length may be computed at about four hundred 
and fifty miles, though the Indian traders make it much 
longer. In its progress it is fed but by few streams ; so 
that the size of it is nearly the same for several hundred 
miles. Part of the lowas live on this branch ; and thev 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 357 

are neighbors to the Sacs and Foxes, who reside on, or 
near the west bank of the Mississippi. 

Some of the other branches from the west, are, Salt river, 
the Buifaloe, the Jaffraon, the Wyaconda, the Turkey river, 
the Yellow river, the Iowa river, the Cannon river, the Rock 
river, together with a variety of others. All these afford 
an inland navigation, some of them from one hundred to 
two hundred and fifty miles, and their shores are bounded 
by large tracts of excellent land. Lead and salt, and pro- 
bably copper, exist in great plenty on their borders. 

The Ouisconsing is one of the easterly branches of the 
Mississippi ; but as it is the great thorough- fare of trade 
between Canada and Louisiana, it is necessary to take 
some notice of it. Its confluence with that river is about 
six hundred miles above the mouth of the Missouri, and 
in north latitude forty two degrees forty minutes. About 
one hundred and seventy five miles from its mouth is the 
portage between it and Fox river, which is less than two 
miles over ; and in the season of high water a good boat 
channel extends from one to the other. From the por- 
tage to Green bay, an arm of Lake Michigan, is about 
one hundred and eighty miles, and from thence to Michi- 
limakinak about two hundred and thirty miles. A great 
proportion of the Canadian trade passes this way, especi- 
ally in the dry season, as at that tune the Illinois affords a 
much less safe navigation. The Ouisconsing forms the 
upper boundary of the lands ceded to the United States 
by the Sacs and Foxes in 1804. Those nations at that 
same time ceded a small tract on the right bank of the 
Mississippi, directly opposite to the mouth of the Ouis- 
consing, under the expectation that a garrison and factory 
would be erected on it. 

On the left bank of the Mississippi, and three miles only 
above thr junctio:. just mentioned, is situated the village 
of Prairie des C/iiens. This village, containing about 
twenty dwellnig houses, is situated on what may be called 



368 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

an island, as it is separated from the main land by a ravine, 
which is connected both with the Mississippi and Ouis- 
consing, and which is filled with water in the time of the 
freshe;-. About twenty other houses are scattered about 
the neighborhood, and the whole population may be esti- 
mated at about three hundred souls. The habitual resi- 
dents cultivate the land, and in some years dispose of 
about eighty thousand pounds of flour to the Indians and 
traders, exclusive of large quantities of beef and pork. 
The Canadian traders annually rendezvous at this place, 
>vhere they divide their goods, and despatch them to their 
several stations ; where also they receive their returns in 
peltries, which are sent to Canada, These circumstances 
draw an immense number of Indians to the village ; from 
five to six hundred at a time : So that in the course of the 
summer from five to seven thousand of them visit that 
place. Here is a fine site for a garrison ; and a factor}-, 
with a detachment of troops, would be able in some mea- 
sure to regulate the trade ot the Mississippi above it, and 
likewise that by way of tht- Ouisconsing. 

The Illinois river joins the jMississippi from the north 
east about eighteen miles above the mouth of the Missou- 
ri. It is navigable to where it approximates to Lake Mi- 
chigan, a distance of about four hundred and sixty miles. 
The isthmus between the Illinois and Chicago, is low and 
level, and eight miles in breadth : In the season of fresh- 
es a good boat navigfUion exists across the portage from 
one to the other ; and from the head of the usual naviga- 
tion on the Chicago down to Lake Michigan is four miles- 
Roats and their cargoes, in the dry season, are transport- 
ed across the portage I)y teams, which are kept there for 
the purpose. Hence it is easy to perceive, that a good 
navigable canal may be constructed at this place, and at no 
great expense. 

The length of the rivers in Louisiana is determined by 
estimation only. This estimation was made by the first 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 369 

explorers of them, and the distances established by them, 
which are uniformly over-rated, have been regarded by 
subsequent mercantile adventurers as sufficiently correct. 
Others again, who have paid more attention to the subject, 
and were better qualified to ascertain distances, have pro- 
bably fallen into the opposite extreme ; they were not 
careful to make proper allowances for the meanders of the 
rivers. From a comparison of the most correct itinera- 
ries, it appears probable that the source of the Missis- 
sippi is about seven hundred and fifty milts above the 
falls of St. Anthony, or one thousand six hundred and 
thirty five miles above the mouth of the Missouri ; so 
that the whole length of this river may be computed at 
two thousand nine hundred and ninety nine miles. Hence 
it is perceived, that the jMissouri is one thousand four 
hundred and sixtv one miles longer than the Mississippi j 
or ninety seven miles longer than the latter river from its 
source to the gulf of Mexico ! 

The lower Mississippi presents a rugged aspect. The 
channel is crooked and deep, and often winds from one 
side of the river to the other. The annual changes in 
this great river are remarkable. New islands are formed, 
and old ones swept away ; new channels opened, and old 
ones closed ; the banks in many places either fall into the 
river and draw after them a multitude of trees, or are en- 
larged and strengthened by new accretions. The river 
often leaves its old bed, and assumes another at some dis- 
tance from it. The vestiges of several derelictions of 
this nature present themselves to the traveller; particular- 
ly one near the Yazous, two between Natchez, and the 
mouth of Red rivt-r, and another at Point Coupee. The 
one at the latter place has shortened the distance about 
thirty miles, and the one just above the mouth of Red 
river has proportionably increased it. Numerous points 
or tongues of land exist, which cause the river to form a 
circuit of twenty or thirty miles, when at their upper ex- 



arO SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

tremities or gorges, the channels above and below them 
are divided from each other by tracts of land of only a 
few hundred yards wide. Hence it may be easily con- 
jectured, that this river forms many curvetures in its 
progress. 

Perhaps the most dangerous obstructions in the Missis- 
sippi arise from the different and fixed positions of a mul- 
titude of large trees, which are constantly precipitated 
from the banks into the water. These, by means of their 
roots, become firmly fixed in the bed of the river. Some 
of them are called planters^ because they are immoveable, 
and constantly expose their pointed shafts above the water. 
Others are denominated saxvyers^ because their elastic 
limbs, by the action of the current, alternately rise above, 
and fall below, the surface with great force. It is dange- 
rous for boats to run on either of these ; and the best way 
of avoiding them in descending the river is to keep in the 
channel, where thev seldom make their appearance. The 
number of them visible to the eye is greater or less, ac- 
cording to the high or low state of the water. The Mis- 
sissippi between the mouth of the Missouri and that of 
the Arkansas, is filled with these and other obstructions. 
Below the latter river they become less numerous and 
dangerous, and gradually diminish in both, the nearer the 
gulf is approached. In the season of high water the sur- 
face of the river is sometimes almost covered with float- 
ing trees of all dimensions : Thousands of them are vo- 
mited from the Missouri ; some of them lodge on the is- 
lands, and the shores ; others sink to the bottom of the 
river, and the remainder are precipitated into the sea. 

In the season of low water, numerous banks of a kind 
of quick-sand appear in both the great rivers ; and the 
beaches along the shores are sometimes composed of the 
same materials ; which are, a very fine flinty sand, inter- 
mixed with a substance of an unctuous quality, precipita- 
ted from the Missouri. These banks and beaches are so 



OF THE RIVERS 01" LOUISIANA. ^^1 

hard as to resist the first pressure of almost any M'eight ; 
bat if a man remains stationary on either of them a few 
minutes only, the water will begin to ooze from the sand 
in a circle of six or eight feet round him, till iit length the 
foundation under his feet trembles like a jelly, and soon 
absorbs whatever be placed on its surface. Some of these 
banks, as they yielded to the pressure on them, have 
drawn boats under water by the remarkable suction they 
occasion. Bunks and beaches of this description, though 
numerous, are of small extent; and are usually attached 
to others of common sand, dry and compact in their tex- 
ture. 

The strength of the current in the Missouri is conside- 
rably greater than that in the lower Mississippi. Perhaps 
the velocity of the latter may in some measure be ascer- 
tained by the progress made by boats in descending it. 
When the water is low, a boat will float from forty five to 
fifty miles in twenty four hours ; in a middle state from 
sixty to seventv miles ; and in the season of freshes from 
ninety to one hundred miles in the same period of time. 
This statement applies only to that part of the Mississippi 
above the Arkansas ; for below this, a small dilatation oc- 
curs, and the swamps also receive a vast body of water; 
by which means the current becomes less rapid. As soon 
as the river enters the Delta another check is evident ; no 
doubt owing to the diffusion of its waters into various 
small channels. From this to New-Orleans no variation 
is perceived. Between the Arkansas and the Delta the 
velocity of the current is diminished nearly one third; 
from this to the sea about one half. 

Perhaps the rivers in our western regions have a great- 
er rise and fall than those of most other countries. The 
rise of the Ohio is frequently from forty to fifty feet ; — 
the Cumberland sometimes ninety feet, as is attested by 
the inhabitants, who live on its banks. The swell of the 
Mississippi near the sea is only three feet ; at New-Or- 



(-2 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

leans twelve feet ; at Baton Rouge twenty five feet ; at 
Fort Adams, and generally between that place and the 
Ohio, about fortv five feet ; between this and the mouth 
of the Missouri thirty five feet ; the upper Mississippi 
from eighteen to twenty two feet ; and the lower part of 
the Missouri about forty feet. The swell is greater in 
the narrow parts of the river, than in places where it is 
broad. 

It is difficult to ascertain the general width of the IMis- 
oissippi. That part of it bet\veen the falls of St. Anthony 
and the Illinois varies from three hundred to nine hundred 
yards, and in some instances exceeds two thousand yards. 
At the mouth of the Missouri it is about two thousand 
five hundred yards ; at St. Louis, eighteen miles below, 
one thousand four hundred and fifty seven yards ; on an 
average between this and the Arkansas about fifteen hun- 
dred vards ; from thence to the mouth of Red river 
about sixteen hundred yards, except at Fort Adams, 
where it is contracted to nme hundred yards; at New- 
Orleans rather less than fifteen hundred yards ; though 
the general width of it along the Delta is somewhat less. 

It is still more difficult to ascertain the average depth 
of the channel of the Missis?sippi. At New-Orleans and 
below it in dry seasons, it is about one hundred and twen- 
ty feet ; it is said to be more than two hundred feet at the 
distance of one hundred miles above that city ; from 
thence to the Arkansas it may average nearly fifty feet ; 
anfl between that and the Missouri from twenty five to 
thirty five feet, in the lowest state of the water. The dif- 
ference between this and high water is very great, espe- 
cially above the mouth of Red t'ivgy. The higher the 
IMississippi is ascended from Natchez, particularly from 
about the thirty third degree, the more winding and nar- 
row the channel ; and at the same *ime containing more 
obstructions to navigation. It is observable, that the 
freshes in the Ohio, and other tributary streams, have 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. sy^ 

but little effect on the rise of the water in the lower Mis- 
sissippi. The same observation applies to the Missouri. 
These great rivers seldom have any considerable rise, ex- 
cept in the montlis of May and June, when the waters 
from the vast mountains about their sources, are precipi- 
tated to the ocean. 

Such is the rapidity of the current in the Mississippi, 
that no craft will be able to ascend it above Natchez by 
means of sails only. Most of our boats make use of sails, 
when the wind is favorable; but this is merely occasional. 
Owing to the zig-zag course of the river, and the great 
elevation of its banks, except in time of freshes, the wind 
is seldom favorable. Soon after the late Indian war, one 
ot our gun boats was about eighteen months in ascending 
from Natchez to the Ohio. Many of the boats or barges 
concerned in the trade between New-Orleans and L'pper 
Louisiana, and the settlements on some of the branches of 
the IMississippi, are from thirty to forty tons burthen : It 
is customary to employ one oarsman to every three thou- 
sand weight ; so that the freight of goods to the upper 
settlements on our great rivers is very considerable. At- 
tempts have been made, and are now making, to lessen 
the labor of this inland navigation by the substituti'>n of 
machinerv, worked by horses ; but the succeiis ol them is 
at least problematical. To contrive an adequate substi- 
tute for manual labor, has now become a subject of en- 
quiry ; and the successful projector will be amply reward- 
ed for his expense and trouble. 

As.the Missouri and Mississippi are extremely winding, 
the current is forced from one point of land to another, or 
rather from each successive point into each successive 
bend on the opposite side of the river. The greatest pro- 
portion of the water rushes into the bends, where also the 
I hannel winds its way, and where the current is always 
much more rapid than in any other part of the river ; in- 
deed it often presses so strongly on the islands and shores, 



374 SKlilCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

that boats are only kept from them, and preserved from 
destruction, by means of oars. Most of the produce of 
the upper country is floated to market in what are called 
Kentucky flats, or arks. These are of various sizes, ge- 
nerally from forty to sixty feet long, and from twelve to 
fifteen broad, with roofs of thin boards to secure their 
cargoes from the water. They onlv require from three 
to five men each to navigate them. By means of oars the 
crews are generally able lo avoid obstructions, and to bring 
their boats in safety to land. They are seldom suffered to 
float in the night time above the Arkansas, unless the 
moon affords a good light, the water be high, and the 
weather calm. These flats or arks are not calculated to 
live in rough water ; and therefore when the wind blows 
hard, or a storm approaches, they are taken under some 
point, into the mouth of some creek, or safely moored 
among the willows. They are built of timber and plank ; 
and on their arrival at the market, are dismantled and 
sold. 

Boats of a different construction only, and calculated 
for a number of oars, can ascend the Mississippi andlNlis- 
souri. A description of them is given in another place, 
and need not be repeated here. Keel boats, however 
strongly manned, cannot possibly ascend to any great dis- 
tance in the middle of the current; in some places, in- 
deed, they cannot make head against it. They are ob- 
liged not only to ply along the shore, where the water is 
less rapid, and where counter currents or eddies frequent- 
ly prevail, but they also find it necessary to keep on the 
side opposite to the bends. Hence they cross the river at 
the lowtr vxtremitv of every bend, which can seldom be 
done without falling down with the current about half a 
mile, It is said by old boatmen, that they are obliged to 
cross the l^Iississippi three hundred and ninety times on 
ascending from New-Orleans to St. Louis. If we admit 
the river to average three fourths of a mile in breadth, 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. r,75 

and the loss of half a mile at each traverse, on account of 
the velocity of the current, it is evident, that the track of 
the hoat, hetween the two points just mentioned, exceeds 
in distance the direction of either shore, more than four 
hundred miles. These traverses are also necessary on 
oiher principles. Greater and more numerous obstructi- 
ons appear in the bends than opposite to them. The banks 
likewise along the bends are generally concave, and con- 
stantly giving way in large masses, sometimes by several 
acres at once, which render a passage near them danger- 
ous ; while the banks on the opposite side project with a 
sloping beach, usually covered or fringed next the land 
with willows, and therefore safe of approach. It is uni- 
versally the case that, where the banks cave in and waste 
away on one side, those on the othtr increase by the de- 
position of new matter. Boats usually ascend from four- 
teen to twenty miles in a day. The labor of pr )pelling 
them is excessive ; it requires great exertion to move 
them against the current ; and boatmen find it necessary 
to rest every hour, at least at every traverse. The river 
is so winding, that the daily progress of boats to their 
destination, is very inconsiderable. In one instance they 
are obliged to stem the current for fifty four miles to gain 
five ; in another thirty miles to gain one and a half; and 
similar instances, though of less magnitude, occur in the 
course of almost every fifteen or twenty miles. 

A variety of branches join the lower Mississippi from 
the west ; but five of them only are properly denominated 
rivers, and claim particular notice :n this place. 

The first is the Merimeg, which joins the Mississippi 
about fifteen miles below St. Louis. It is about sixty 
yards wide at its mouth ; and in the season of high water 
affords a small craft navigation for nearly one hundred 
miles. It flous through a fine country, much of which is 
under cultivation. The salt works and mills on its bor- 



JTG SKETCHES OF LOUlSlAJfA. 

ders are of great advantage to Upper Louisiana, and to 
the settlements in the Illinois territory. 

The second is the river St. Francis, which is cursorily 
noticed in another place. It joins the Mississippi about 
three hundred and five miles below the Ohio, and is two 
hundred yards wide at its mouth. The source of it is 
about fifty iive or sixty miles back of St. Genevieve. It 
iirst washes a rolling country, and then passes over a large 
tract of inundated land ; and the whole length of it may 
be computed at about four hundred and sixty miles. 
Wealthy settlements are already formed about some of its 
head branches, as also on its borders in the districts of 
Cape Gerardeau and New Madrid. This river gradually 
converges to the Mississippi, and in some places flows at no 
great distance from ii. Rafts and other obstructions a- 
bound in it ; but it is not difficult to remove them. The 
period is at hand when our population will be so much 
increased as to render the navigation of it of the utmost 
importance. 

The third is White river, which penetrates the right 
bank of the Mississippi about three hundred and ninety 
seven miles below the Ohio, by a mouth of three hundred 
and fifty yards wide. The source of this river is rather 
more than one hundred miles due west from that of the 
St. Francis ; and Indeed these two rivers flow nearly pa- 
rallel to each other. The length of White river has ne- 
ver been accurately ascertained ; it is probably about se- 
ven hundred miles : It has been navigated six hundred 
miles, and the distances carefully estimated by an intelli- 
gent officer of the Artillerists. This river is somewhat 
crooked ; it rolls through an elevated country, which a- 
bounds in lead. The channel is deep, and generally free 
from obstructions. About three miles from its mouth, in 
the season of high water, a boat communication exists be- 
tween it and the Arkansas, by means of a bayou or oudet, 



OF THE r.IVERS OF LOUISIANA. 3^7 

which intersects the latter river about twenty miles from 
the Mississippi. Boats on ascending to the upper coun- 
try usually pass up the Arkansas, and through this bayou, 
where there is seldom any current, and thereby avoid 
twenty two miles of strong water in the Mississippi. 

The fourth is the Arkansas, which flows into the Mis- 
sissippi, about twenty two miles below White river, or four 
hundred and nineteen miles below the mouth of the O- 
hio, in north latitude thirty three degrees forty minutes. 
It is about four hundred yards wide at its mouth, and the 
length of it is found to be about fifteen hundred miles. 
The source of it is in the Mexican mountains in about 
north latitude forty degrees ; and it is in the vicinity of 
the waters of the river Platte on the one hand, and of 
those of the Rio del Norte^ or JRio Bravo^ on the other. 
The general direction of it is nearly south east and north 
west. This river has a rocky bed, and the navigation of 
it in dry seasons is much obstructed by rapids and 
shoals. The extensive country through which it rolls is 
diversified by some mountains, numerous elevations, and 
fruitful vallies, especially along the water courses ; bv 
scattered groves and copses of wood, and by prairies or 
natural meadows of great extent, where immense flocks 
of various kinds of wild animals resort to graze. On this 
river, and the branches of it, lead, salt, and nitre, are 
common; and the water is so strongly impregnated with 
the two latter articles, that it is not potable at the Arkansas 
village, forty five miles only, from the Mississippi. No 
doubt the country about this river is pregnant with other 
treasures, which time and an industrious pursuit will dis- 
close to our view. Some of the early French discover- 
ed both gold and silver in this quarter ; but their igno- 
rance of the mineral kingdom, more particularly the difli- 
culty at that time of penetrating into the wild recesses of 
interior regions, cast a cloud over their prospects of speedy 
opulence. They were chained by poverty to an unpro- 



378 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

fitable drudgery, and all their time was necessarily devo- 
ted to the acquisition of a precarious subsistence. 

The fifth is Rouge or Red river. It joins the Missis- 
sippi just below the thirty first degree, and two hundred 
and forty three miles above New Orleans. Near its mouth, 
it is about five hundred yards wide ; but for many hun- 
dred miles, it seldom exceeds three hundred, and in some 
instances it is contracted to less than two hundred and fifty 
yards. The main branch of this noble river has its source 
in the Mexican mountains to the eastward of Santa Fe, 
and in about north latitude thirty six degrees. It runs 
nearly one hundred miles in a north east direction, when 
it unites itself with another large branch from the north 
west, and then makes a sweep round to the south east, 
pursuing this course to the Mississippi ; the whole length 
of it must not be computed at more than one thousand 
four hundred and fifty miles. The country about the 
heads of this river has never been explored, except by 
Spanish and French hunters ; and from their accounts, it 
very much resembles that about the upper parts of the 
Arkansas. It is almost destitute of wood, except along 
the various streams. Prairies or natural meadows spread 
over the greatest proportion of it, filled with wild horses, 
and every species of game incident to our western regions. 
There is also good reason to believe, that it abounds in 
silver. It certainly contains large bodies of mineral salt, 
as thf, Indians, and our hunters when in that quarter, ea- 
sily collect what is necessary for their use ; and an alum 
bank of considerable magnitude is known to' exist on the 
river near the ihirtv third degree of north latitude. The 
water is so strongly impregnated with them, that it cannot 
be used at Nachitoches, especially in the dry season. 
Perhaps the saline quality of the water, not only in Red 
river, but in all the numerous lakes and bayous connected 
with it, contribute to the health of the inhabitants. At 
any rate, the climate on that river, above the Mississippi 



OF TIIK RIVERS OF LOULSIANA, S79 

and black river swamps, is extremely healthful, though 
tiiore than six tenths of the settled country, especially a- 
bout Nachitoches, is constantly covered with water* 

The country about the lower half of Red river has been 
pretty well explored, and it is found to be equal in ferti- 
lity to any other portion of Louisiana of the same extent^ 
except for about fifty mile's near the Mississippi, which is 
annually deluged in water. The cotton and tobacco rai- 
sed about Nachitoches and the rapids are of the first qua^* 
lity, and command the highest prices in the market. Corn, 
oats, and vegetables, are produced in abundance among 
the settlements ; and at some distance above them, the 
lands are suitable for wheat and other grain. Cattle and 
swine fuid a plentiful subsistence, at all seasons of the 
ye:ir, along the rivers and lakes, and in the swamps ; and 
nnillitudes of them are owned by the inhabitants. 

lu the season of high water, which is generally front 
February to June, loaded boats may ascend this river* 
about nine hundred and fifty miles; but in the dry season^ 
the channel is obstructed by rocks, banks of sand, and pe- 
trified trees, particularly above the great raft, a description 
of which we have given in another place. 

Red river, by a division of its waters, forms several 
large islands, on which are to be found some of our most 
wealthy settlements. One branch leaves the main stream 
about four miles above NachitocheSj and flows to the left ; 
it joins the river about seventy miles below. Just belovr 
that village another branch winds to the right, and joins 
the middle branch at the distance of about thirty three 
miles. The island formed by the two latter branches, was 
called Nachitoches, by the ancient Indians, and on it are 
formed the most wealthy settlements in this part of the 
country. The middle branch is usually navigated, though 
the distance is much greater than by either of the other^ 
and the current extremely rapid ; but thi; rafts and other 
.3 '. 



380 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



obstructions in it are less numerous, and less clifHcult to 
pass. 

It unfortunately happens on Red river, as on some parts 
of the lower Mississippi, that the best, and in some in- 
stances, the only lands suitable for tillage, are along the 
margins of the stream, and of an inconsiderable depth ; 
they regularly descend from the river, and soon terminate 
in lakes and swamps. The high grounds on the opposite 
side of these, whatever be their quality, are of no great 
use to the planters ; they prefer the rich bottoms, on which 
they build their houses, and which alone they cultivate. 
A cypress swamp usually intervenes, and obstructs the 
passage between the river and the hills. 

It may appear almost incredible, and yet it is too true, 
that near seven tenths of Louisiana to the south of the 
parallel of Nachitoches and Natchez, is either constantly 
or periodically covered with water. No doubt a consi- 
deralile proportion of this tract may eventually be redeem- 
ed, but not without more labor and expense than is in the 
power of the present generation to bestow. 

The most frequented and ready communication between 
the Mississippi and the Mexican dominions, is by way of 
Nachitoches ; and the period certainly approaches when a 
more frequent and sociable intercourse will be opened be- 
tween the two empires. 

The bed and banks of Red river are composed of a 
bright red sand, mixed with gravel and clay of the same 
color, and they communicate the like color to the water. 
The whole country about this river, particularly to the 
westward of it, whether elevated into hills, or depressed 
into vallies, exhibits the same complexion. The banks of 
the Chafalia are composed of the same materials ; and 
this affords almost conclusive evidence, that the commu- 
nication between Red river and the Mississippi is of no 
very ancient date j more particularly as the earth along the 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA, 33! 

latter river, and its various other branches, is universally 
of a different color. The probability is, that the Chafalia 
is the old bed of Red river, and that the dereliction in 
question was wholly owing to the versatility of the Mis- 
sissippi. This is confirmt- d by another circumstance. Just 
below Fort Adams, the Mississippi makes a sweep of ma- 
ny miles to the right, till it intersects Red river, and then 
suddenly inclines to the left, forming more than two thirds 
of a circle. An old bed of the Mississippi, covered with 
lofty willows, is at this time visible across the gorge or 
upper extremity of this bend, with one or two elevated 
islands in it ; the length of which is only five miles ; 
whereas by the course of the river it is fifty four miles. 
Hence Red river once found a much nearer way to the 
gulf than at present ; and if the formidable obstructions 
in the Chafalia were removed, the Mississippi would be 
likely to pursue the same way, as it now presses its whole 
current into it, apparently in search of a passage. Such 
a change in the Mississippi is certainly among possible 
events ; and the time may come when we may deem it 
necessary to accelerate it. 

The Washita, although it may be deemed a branch of 
Red river, deserves notice. This river heads in the high 
country between the one just mentioned, and the Arkan- 
sas, and eventually unites with the Ocatahola and bayou 
Tenza ; and from thence to Red river, a distance of se- 
venty miles, this confluent stream is known by the name 
of Black river. The Washita has been explored five hun- 
dred and nine miles; and the probability is, that it maybe 
ascended much further. 

The right bank of the Mississippi from the district of 
Cape Gerardeau to the gulf, a distance of about twelve 
hundred miles, presents to the eye an immense level. No 
gentle elevations, nor any kind of stone or gravel, appear 
to diversify the scene. The whole of this tract, for some 
distance back of the river, is composed of alluvion, partly 



38ii SKETCHES OF LOT'ISIANA. 

covered with cane breaks, and various liiiidb of trees. 
The left bank of that river affords a different aspect ; al- 
luvions regions, interspersed with hills and rockv clifts, 
alternately arrest attention, and excite pleasing emotions 
in the rnind of the traveller. 

This chain of hills and clifts commences near the Illi- 
nois river, and extends down the Mississippi (in some places 
a good distance from ii) to the neighborhood of Baton 
Rouge. The iron and chalk banks, the four elevated clifts 
between them and the Chickasaw bluffs, wher<; the United 
States have a garrison, the bluffs at what are called great 
and little gulfs, the one at Natchez, at the mouth of the 
river St. Catharine, at Fort Adams, and at Baton R )uge, 
successively rise and approach the river at some distance 
from each other, and relieve the mind from the dull mo- 
notony of an extensive level. The crests of these eleva- 
tions are in some places seventy fivej in others more than 
two hundred feet above the surface of the river. Some 
of them extend half a mile, and others more than double 
that distance, along the bank. Many of them exhibit the 
appearance of rock ; but this substance, when carefully 
examined, is found to be extremely porous, and composed 
of a hard indurated sand, by no means strongly com- 
bined, easil}- broken, or crumbled in pieces. Others of 
them are solid banks of sand of various colors, intermixed 
with laminas of iron ore, ochre, and argillaceous earths. 
At the bases of some of them, numerous trees of various 
dimensions are found converted into stone, by the petrify- 
ing quality of the springs about them. It must be re- 
marked that, in most instances, where these bluffs or rid- . 
ges appear, the ^Mississippi approaches them with great 
force, nearly at right angles, as if in search of a passage 
more to the left. They cross the Ohio at a place called 
the Grand Chain, about twelve miles from its niouth. 

^Vhoever reflects attentively on this great river, will be 
ant to suspect, that it has disrupted large portions of the 



OP THE RIVERS OF LOUISIAN'A 333 

enuntry on each side of it, and even attempted in some 
of its capricious frolics to work a wondeiful change in the 
face of nature. Large trees are often found from twenty 
to twenty five feet under ground in some of the extensive 
bottoms, and from four to six miles from the channel. 
Add to this, the trunks of large trees at the same depth 
appear in a horizontal position near the bases of the banks ; 
also in the sides of the banks newlv caved in, trees in a 
perpendicular position are cqipstantly seen, whose shafts 
above their roots are sunk from twenty to twenty five feet 
below the surface of the ground. These facts affcird con- 
clusive proof, that the immiCnse bottoms along the IMis- 
sissippi have been formed by alluvion ; that this river has 
occasionally changed its bed ; and that it has washed in 
the course of time the whole of the extensive valley boun- 
ded by the distant high grounds on each side of it. 

V/hat alterations or revolutions have taken place in this 
valley in the course of ages, can onlj- be conjectured ; yet 
there are two or three facts of sufficient importance to at- 
tract the attention of philosophers. 

The banks of the river are composed of alluvious stra- 
ta, and in places where they newh' cave in, the dif- 
ferent layers are easily distinguished. The banks be- 
tween the Ohio and INiissouri have generally, in a low 
state of the water, an elevation of more than forty feet, 
and exhibit to the eye about nine hundred distinct la^•ers.■ 
V> hat conclusion results from this fact ? Most certainh', 
tliat these alluvious banks have been accumulating during 
a period of nine hundred years ; and probably much 
longer, as the freshes since the first discovery of the coun- 
try have not risen over them more than once in about 
twenty years. No doubt the number of layers is precise- 
ly the same as that of the freshes. These freshes never 
occur more than once a year j they are wholly occasioned 
by the melting of the snows at the breaking up of winter 
about the sources of the great rivers; the rains have little 



384 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAInA. 

or no effect on the Mississippi above the mouth ot the 
Ohio. 

Another fact is that, in the season of freshes, the water in 
many places is as deep in the centre of the swamps as in the 
channel of the river, particularly below New Madrid. This 
seenris at first blush to give countenance to the conjecture, 
that the valley of the Mississippi was once a lake ; because, 
prior to the elevation or formation of the banks, there wa& 
nothing to prevent the expaijsion of the waters. But has 
not the bed of the river been gradually elevated as well as 
the banks ? The more the banks rose, the more the water 
was confined within them ; of course less alluvion was 
precipitated over them ; and of course also, the more of 
it, especially the heavy sandy particles, subsided to the 
bottom, and elevated the bed of the river. If this was 
the process, however, it would seem that, instead of nine 
hundred annual layers, as many thousand may exist. 
These hints are merely suggested to excite reflection. 

Intelligent and speculative men have contended, that 
the valley of the Mississippi was once a lake, and that its 
waters were drained off by means of some convulsion of 
nature, or by a passage formed by gradual abrasion. If 
such a lake ever existed, where was its southern bounda- 
ry ? One place only is known below the mouth of the Mis- 
souri, which seems to render the existence of a lake even 
possible, and it requires no small degree of credulity to 
attach any weight to the evidence it affords. 

In the neighborhood of Kaskaskia, the gap or opening 
between the high grounds on each side of the Mississippi 
is not more than from four to six miles in breadth. Be- 
low this point the high grounds gradually diverge from 
the river, particularly on the west side of it, and leave a 
space between them of about forty miles in width. If 
ever the waters were so much obstructed at these narrows 
as to form a lake, still they must have had an outlet to 
the ocean, and a great river existed; for it would be idle 



OF THE RIVF-ll9*Or LOUISIAXA. 385 

to suppose, that the copious and united streams of the 
Mississippi and Missouri above them were wasted by e- 
vaporation and absorption. The two rocky chains or rid- 
ges, which skirt the valley above the narrows, and whose 
crests are elevated about two hundred feet above the low 
country, exhibit regular horizontal lines, as if formed by 
ihe attrition of a strong current; and the advocates for 
the existence of such a lake adduce these as the strongest 
proof in favor of the hypothesis. As well might they 
contend, that the ocean once covered the Andes, because 
beds of petrified oysters, and other marine shells, have 
been found on their summits ; that the Appennine moun- 
tains, the territories of jMantua, and the canton of Berne, 
were once immersed in the same clement, because some 
parts of supposed petrified vessels, and even sea weeds^ 
have been discovered enveloped in their rocky protuber- 
ances, or buried in their sandy plains ; and that even Dal- 
matia was once a bed of the sea, because an anchor was 
once accidentally discovered ten feet under ground. Per- 
haps mountains, by some powerful agency of nature, have 
been elevated from the great deep ; but that the valley of 
the Mississippi was ever a lake, cannot be supported by 
any rational proofs. Some indeed maintain, that a great 
lake, or inland sea, once existed, which covered the whole 
country between the Allegheny and Mexican mountains. 
This lake, then, must have been about two thousand two 
hundred miles in length, twelve hundred miles in breadth, 
and in the middle not less than five hundred fathoms iu 
depth ! It is needless to waste time on such a subject. 
Were they disposed to suggest, that the ocean at some 
former period extended several hundred miles more in- 
land than at present, and that the apparent redemption of 
the Delta from the water is more owing to the gradual 
reflux of the sea than to the deposition of alluvions sub- 
stances, they would not be destitute of arguments, at least 
plausible, to support and illustrate the hypothesis. 



385 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

The 3Iississippi differs from all the other rivers known 
to us, except perhaps the Nile and Kian-ku, not only in 
its length, but particularly in the uniformity of its width 
and di'pth fur many hundred miles. Neither of the three 
great rivers of South America appears to be of equal 
length, though each of them presents an estuary of one 
hundred and fifty miles in breadth. The breadth of one 
of them, the Oronoco, about one hundred and fifty mile:5 
above its mouth, is seven thousand yards ; and yet the 
whole length of this river docs not exceed fifteen hundred 
miles ! Perhaps the Mississippi furnishes less than half 
the quantity of water ; but its breadth and depth conti- 
nue nearly the same to the mouth of the IMissouri, a dis- 
tance of about thirteen hundred and sixty four miles ; so 
that a good boat navigation extends by way of the first 
more than twenty two hundred miles, and by way of the 
second more than four thousand miles ; to which may be 
added several hundred miles of practicable navigation 
near the sources of each. These advantageous traits pre- 
sent themselves in no other rivers, with whose geography 
we are acquainted. 

Maps never afford accurate data for the length of r't- 
vers ; the intermediate windings and deviations are too 
minute to be delineated ; and yet geographical writers 
seldom have any other materials to aid them in their cal- 
culations : The consequence is, that the length they allow 
to most great rivers in each of the hemispheres is much 
too limited. The Niie is said to be two thousand miles 
long ; the Kian-ku two thousand two hundred milt^s ; the 
Ganges fourteen hundred miles ; the Burrampooter iour*^ 
teen hundred miles ; the Rio de la Plata nineteen hun- 
dred miles ; and the Amazons, or rather Maranon, two 
thousand three hundred miles. Now it is v/ell known, 
that the latter river, following its windings, is three thou- 
sand three hundred miles long ; and it seems pro-per to 
allow a proportionable number of miles to the length o^' 



OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 33" 

the othei-s. Even after this allowance is made, it will be 
found, that the Mississippi, or rather Missouri, is much 
longer than either of them ; probably longer than any oth- 
er river on the globe. 

la whatever light we view this majestic river, It appears 
of more real importance than any other kno'wn to us. 
^Fost of the different cUmates, soils, and productions, in- 
cident to the new world, are found on its borders ; and it 
seems destined at some future period to form the boun- 
dary, if not the centre, of an extensive empire. It opens 
two or more communications with the Pacitic on the one 
hand, and with Hudson's bav and Canada on the other ; 
also with various territories and states in the union, af- 
fording to all the facihties of a ready and profitable com- 
merce. By means of this river, and its tributar\- streams, 
tlie surplus produce of more than a million of industrious 
inhabitants is at this time carried to a ready market ; and 
by the same means the valuable products of India, of Eu- 
rope, and the islands, are received by them in return. 
\Miat will be the increase of population and opulence at 
any future given period from this, would be presumptu- 
ous to conjecture : yet, if the United States remain for 
any considerable time at peace, and enjoy the freedom of 
the seas, the vast regions on the Mississippi will exhibit 
splendid tokens of industrj- and commerce ; populous ci- 
ties and towns will rise in the yet unexplored waste ; 
the arts and sciences cherished ; moral philosophy, ci- 
vil and political liberty, dilTused among numerous so- 
cieties of human beings, disposed to cultivate harmony 
and social intercourse with each other, and with distant 
nations. It is not extravagant to suppose, that our popu- 
lation will eventually extend to the sources of the Missou- 
ri, and that such a communication will be opened between 
that river and the Pacific as to draw to it a portion of the 
wealth of tlie Indies. Neither the Xile, the Ganges, the 
\:::;er, nor ths Gambia of the old world ; nor any of those 

- D 



388 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

great rivers in the southern parts of our coRtinent, yield 
so many natural advantages. It may be even safely doubt- 
ed, whether any of them are calculated to afford a popu- 
lation equal to what may be expected to exiat on the Mis- 
sissippi and its waters. There is alsathis important dif- 
ference between them : IMost of the former are, and will 
long continue to be, inhabited by savage nations ; the per- 
petual and bloody conflicts provoked and maintained a- 
mong themselves, added to the cruel and disastrous poli- 
cy of their more civilized neighbors, serve in a great 
measure to interdict inland navigation and commerce ; 
whereas the regions about the latter are likely to be occu- 
pied by an enlightened race of men, peaceable and indus- 
trious in their pursuits, prone to enterprise and the acqui- 
sition of wealth, solicitous only to elevate the aborigines 
of the forests in the scale of human beings, and to make 
the best use of the advantages, which a kind and benevo- 
lent Providence has designed for thenu 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 



CHAPTER XA 



iSIINERAL RICHES 



THE varieties of soil and climate, the numerous 
productions they afford, and the great and important fa- 
cilities yielded to CDmmerce, conspire to give Louisiana a 
place among the fairest portions of the globe. This coun- 
try is doubtless equally valuable from the mineral riches 
it contains, which are gradually unfolded, in most instances 
rather by accident than labored research; and from their 
accessibility, where they are known to exist, we have a 
right, to conclude, that industry and enterprise will be 
amply rewarded in pursuit of them. Our knowledge on 
th's subject is extremely" limited ; especially when com- 



390 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

pared with the probable plenitude of the mineral king- 
dom. The discoveries already made ax-e few in number ; 
and in most instances the details of them are extremely 
confused, and partake of the marvellous : So that all we 
are able to do is, to select and arrange with caution the 
heterogeneous materials before us ; not to admit as autho- 
rity what appears to be spurious and incredible ; nor to 
manifest too much incredulity where a great variety of 
circumstances unite to control it. 

Most probably the bowels of the earth in Louisiana con- 
tain many articles of convenience and wealth, of which 
we are still, and shall long remain, ignorant. This we 
have the more right to expect, as symptoms of mineral 
wealth abound in various places. A considerable quanti- 
ty of silver was obtained from a mine opened in 1719 on 
the borders of the Merimak ; and the pursuit of it was 
abandoned, as it is said, more from want of skill in the 
workmen, than an apprehension of the scarcity of it. 
There is testimony to prove, that silver so pure as to be 
malleable has been found on the Arkansas. Silver mines, 
it is said, exist about the head waters of the Washita ;, 
more particularly about some of the head branches of Red 
river. Some French hunters and traders, near the close 
of the Spanish government, procured in that quarter, and 
produced to the Spanish authorities, several specimens of 
this metal ; but on account of the known curiosity and 
enterprise of the English Americans, the pursuit of mine- 
ral riches on the rivers just mentioned was expressly pro- 
hibited, especially as they admitted of an easy access. 
An old French author and ti-aveller declares, that he ga- 
thered a quantity of gold dust at the mouth of a rivulet 
on the Arkansas, which the rains precipitated from the 
mountains. The Spaniards have opened no mines in the 
neighborhood of our claims. The celebrated ones of Ca- 
torce are the nearest to them ; but these are a long dis- 
tance to the south west of Red river. 



MINERAL RICHES. 391 

The source of the Washita is a considerable distance to 
the eastward of the Mexican mountains. On its borders 
are found beds of martial pyrites, large bodies of chrys- 
talized spar, and hexagonal prisms, which are known to 
contain no small portion of the precious metals. Perhaps 
as our researches are multiplied and extended, new sour- 
ces of wealth will present themselves ; and the evidence 
of their existence is sufficient to awaken a spirit of enter- 
prise, and to promise success. 

On Red river in north latitude thirty three degrees, one 
hundred and forty six miles due west from the Mississip- 
pi, an alum bank has been recently discovered ; which, 
from appearances, is calculated to yield large quantities of 
that article. Aluminous symptoms, indeed, abound in 
various places on that river; and these, together with the 
salt rolled from the numerous springs about the country. 
Impregnate the water to such a degree as to render it un- 
fit for use. Limestone abounds on this river, as likewise 
a sort of rock, from which the inhabitants manufacture 
good mill and grind-stones. Petrifactions are common ; 
and above the great raft a multitude of trees are constant- 
ly seen wholly converted into stone. A metal exists on 
the west side of Red river, which exhibits the appear- 
ance, and seems to contain some of the properties of Pla- 
tina ; but no satisfactory experiments have been made on 
it. This metal possesses a shining appearance ; it is known 
to receive a polish almost equal to that of a mirror, and 
vegetable and some other acids will not corrode it. The 
magnet, however, seems to have some power over it; but 
may not Platina contain a mixture of iron? It is ductile, 
though extremely hard, and infusible in a common fur- 
nace. 

Stone or pit-coal is an article of some importance. It 
already begins to form in the Delta. A large body of it 
exists near the mouth of the Missouri, and it is found in 
various places on the east side of the Mississippi, parti- 



392 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

cularly between Cahokia and Kaskaskia. It frequently 
makes its appearance on the Washita, the Sabine, and Bed 
river, particularly on the borders of a lake in the neigh- 
borhood of Xachitoches. This article is of use to smiths 
even at this time, and its importance will increase as the 
country becomes more populous, and the villages enlarged; 
and the more so as various tracts, of great extent, are 
thinly covered with wood. To forges and furnaces it will 
be indispensible, and the inhabitants in some of the vil- 
lages must eventually resort to it. Some of this coal, 
however, especially that on the Missouri, is said to con- 
tain such a quantity of sulphur as to render it less worthy 
of notice. 

The western country, generally, furnislies plenty of salt 
petre ; which is found, in some instances, almost pure in 
its native state. The banks of the Arkansas in many 
places are incrusted with it, and at some seasons exhibit a 
whiteness nearly equal to that of snow. What the adja- 
cent country contains, is not ascertained ; but from the 
quantity already discovered, and the places where it is 
produced, it is reasonable to conclude, that it yields an 
abundance of that article. Considerable quantities of it 
have been taken from the rocky caves and apertures, in 
the ridges and bluffs, along the Missouri and its waters. 
The powder-makers have used it in its crude state ; and 
some of it by refining did not lose more than four pa 
centum. This in time will become an article of exporta- 
tion, and prove a source of wealth to the country. 

Near Cape Gerardeau there is a substance, which, when 
ground in oil, affords an excellent brown paint, equal in 
beauty and durability to the imported Spanish brown. 
Many of the inhabitants on the Mississippi paint their 
buildings with it. This substance appears to be inexhaus- 
tible, and may eventually prove of great utility to the peo- 
ple of the western countrv. 



MINERAL RICHES. 393 

On the rivers St. Piprre and des Moins^ branches of 
-he Mississippi from the west, is found a singular species 
of black hard clay ; likewise a blue clay ; a curious kind 
of red soap stone of a very fine texture ; and also an e- 
qually curious fine white clay. From the first the Indi- 
ans manufacture their household utensils ; from the second 
they make a sort of paint, which, when mixed with pul- 
verized red-stone, affords a beautiful color, capable of ma- 
ny shades ; from the third they construct the bowls of 
their pipes and calumets ; and it is conjectured by good 
judges, that the last will produce a ware not much inferior 
to that of China. The French, on their first arrival in 
the country, collected a considerable quantity of this clay, 
and sent it to France. 

They also, about the same time, opened some copper 
mines at no great distance below the falls of St. Anthony, 
where they found virgin copper. It is even said by one 
of their journalists, concerned in the transaction, that they 
procured a pigce of native brass, weighing sixty pounds; 
but in what way the copper came to be united with zinc, 
'.>o as to produce this extraordinary mixture, is not easy to 
'onjecture; especially as that part of the countr}' seems 
not, as in some parts of South America, to have been agi- 
tated by subterranean fires. At any rate, the Indians drove 
the French away, and the acquisition of mineral v/ealth 
in this quarter has never been resumed. 

It is dovibted whether the lead mines in Louisiana, both 
-is to number and capacity, and the purity of their trea- 
ure, are not superior to those of any other country. Ko 
mines of this nature, at least none of any consequence, 
have been discovered below the Arkansas ; those with 
which we are acquainted, and which are worked, are si- 
tuated in Upper Louisiana. In these regions various lead 
mines have been discovered; but the number and value 
of them cannot be ascertained with any degree of precis 
5ion. Much oi' the inhabited part of the distj-ict of St, 



394 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Genevieve, is embraced by them. They are found along 
the Merimak, and its tributary streams, and on both sides 
of the Mississippi, more than four hundred miles above 
the mouth of the Missouri. They are numerous on the 
St. Francis and White river ; some of them have been 
worked and proved productive. They discover them- 
selves in the country of the Osages, and in the territories 
of several other Indian tribes. Mineral lead is in such 
plenty, that fragments of it are scattered about in some of 
their villages ; and it is considered of no more value than 
the same quantity of coarse granite, or lime stone rock. 

Some of these mines were opened and worked by the 
French more than a century ago ; and, strange as it may 
appear, they were not ambitious, till a late period, of ex- 
tending the manufacture of lead beyond their own con- 
sumption. Ten valuable mines in the neighborhood of St. 
Genevieve were worked in 1804, and several others have 
been opened since that period. The mineral is found in 
veins of various sizes, which generally extend in a hori- 
zontal direction, and usually from four, to six feet under 
ground. Some of them soon terminate ; others are of. 
great extent, and yield large quantities of mineral. Now 
and then, however, the veins take a direction downwards, 
and descend to a considerable depth. Wherever mineral 
exists, certain indications of it, vulgarly called blossoms, 
are found on the surface of the ground; so that those in 
pursuit of that article ai-e at no loss where to dig for it. 

An experiment, perhaps not altogether correct, was 
made on this mineral in 1804. The specific gravity 
of it was found to be 7. 53. The color of it is shining 
and brilliant ; and it appears to be mixed with a small 
proportion of sulphur, and a still smaller proportion of 
the oxyd of iron. As the country abounds with cal- 
careous rock, the matrix of these mineral veins appears 
to be mostly composed of the carbonate of lime. This 
mineral is by no means the richest in Upper Louisiana ; 



MINERAL RICHES. 395 

hut It yields, when properly manufactured, about seventy 
per centum. 

Such indeed is the quantity of mineral lead, that very 
little care is taken in the manufacture of it. It is the o* 
pinion of many, that regular machinery for the purpose is 
listless, and that the quantity of lead saved by it would 
never defray the expenses of it. They usually place the 
mineral on a confused heap of burning logs, and other 
wood, and in this way smelt it. The lead is precipitated a- 
mong the ashes and dirt, where no small proportion of it 
is lost. Notwithstanding this singular and awkward pro- 
cess, the manufacturers are satisfied with the profits it 
yields them, and consider a maciuncry as an injury rather 
than a benefit. 

This inattention to the regular manufacture of lead a- 
rises in part from the poverty of the manufacturers, who 
are not able to pursue an expensive process, but much 
more from the great quantity of mineral, the little labor 
required to obtain it, and the prolific nature of it. On ac- 
count of the water the mineral is usually taken from the 
ground between the first of August, and the last of No- 
vember ; and during this period a great number of labor- 
ers, sometimes as many as three hundred, resort to the 
mines in the neighborhood of St. Genevieve. They dig 
and dispose of the mineral, and receive in payment goods 
and other articles for the support of their f.jmilies. Some 
of them have been known to earn thirt) dollars per day 
for several successive weeks ; but such occurrences are 
rare, and never happen, unless the laborers are so lucky as 
to find veins of mineral of considerable size and extent ; 
though the profits of procuring that article are undoubt- 
edly great. 

The dealers m lead, who are also in most instances the 

manufacturers of it, generally adopt two methods to ob" 

tain the mineral ; they either purchase it, or hire laborers 

to dig it for them, 'i'he details of this pursuit were fur* 

3 H 



396 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

nished the author of these sketches in 1803 by the owner 
of a mine in the district of St. Genevieve, and they stand 
thus : Were he to hire twenty five nnen to dig mineral du- 
ring the four months already mentioned, they would fur- 
nish about two hundred thousand weight ; and as it yields 
seventy per centum,, the produce of the whole would be 
one hundred and forty thousand pounds for the market. 
The wages and food of twenty five laborers for the above 
time, and the expenses of transporting the lead from the 
mines to New-Orleans, would amount to three thousand 
six hundred and fifty dollars ; and were it to sell in mar- 
ket for nine dollars per hundred, the proceeds would a- 
mout to twelve thousand six hundred dollars ; so that, af- 
ter deducting the expenses, the sum of eight thousand nine 
hundred and fifty dollars would be left for the proprietor 
or dealer, which may be considered as the net profits. 
These, however, wholly depend on the price in market, 
which varies according as commerce fluctuates, or as war 
or peace prevails in Europe. In time of peace, lead sel- 
dom sells for more than six dollars per hundred ; during 
the European war it sometimes rises to twelve dollars, 
though the average price in market may be stated at nine 
dollars. Those dealers in lead, who receive mineral in 
exchange for goods, are supposed to make the greatest 
profits. They fix themselves about the mines, and pur- 
chase the mineral of the laborers at two dollars per hun- 
dred, and make their payments in merchandize at an en- 
ormous advance. They smelt the mineral, and carry the 
lead to market ; and as they are not obliged to deal on 
credit, the profits of this barter-trade are very consider- 
able. 

The proprietor, to whom we have just alluded, planted 
himself among the lead mines in 1797, and obtained from 
the Spanish government a grant of a league square of 
land, most of which is impregnated with mineral. He is 
the owner of the only regular machinery in the country 



MINERAL RICHES. 39r 

for making lead. He manufactures bar and sheet lead, as 
also great quantities of ball and shot : But it is doubted 
by some whether the more simple and awkward mode of 
manufacturing lead as practised by the itinerant pursuers 
of this. metal, is not equally profitable; especially as they 
smelt the mineral on the ground where they obtain it, and 
are not at the trouble and expense of removing it to a dis- 
tance for this operation. 

The richest mineral known in the country is procured 
from two mines, situated on the west bank of the Missis- 
sippi, nearly five hundred miles above the mouth of the 
Missouri, which were opened some years ago by a French- 
man : one of them yields eighty four^ and the other nine- 
tzuo pounds of pure lead to each hundred weight of min- 
eral ; though from the manner of smelting, no more than 
seventy five is actually realized. The owner covered these, 
as well as other mines, in 1796, by a complete grayit from 
the Spanish government, embracing a tract of one hun- 
dred and sixty nine thousand three hundred and forty four 
arpents, now recognized as valid by the laws of the Unit- 
ed States. The mineral is found here, as in other places, 
in veins ; but these generally descend at an angle of about 
thirty four degrees. Two of them have been pursued 
nearly two hundred and fifty feet beneath the base of a 
steep hill. At their extremity, in summer, the air moves 
with such rapidity, that a candle cannot be kept lighted, 
and is at the same time so cold as to prove uncomfortable 
to the workmen ; but in winter a considerable degree of 
heat prevails, and a small portion of air only is found 
to be in circulation. 

It is impossible to say what might be the avails of this 
article, were the manufacture of it carried to its full ex- 
tent. It wants the hand of industry only, joined to a 
competent knowledge of the nature of lead, to prepare 
any quantity of it for market. Lead, while the Europe- 
an wai* lasts, will command a high price ; and Upper- 



393 SKETCHES OF LOUISLAISA. 

Louisiana probably contains in its bosom a quantity, ade- 
quate to the consumption of all the belligerent powers in 
Christendom. To those unacquainted with that country, 
this may seem an exaggeration ; but when they are told, 
that the banks and beds of some of the small rivers pre- 
sent to the traveller large masses of mineral lead, and that 
extensive tracts of country exhibit it in plenty, they will 
not presume to set bounds to the quantity. 

There is no way to ascertain the quantity of lead annu- 
ally manufactured in Upper Louisiana ; but it is much 
more considerable than a mere superficial observer would 
be willing to admit. The mines in this quarter supply 
several Indian tribes, as also the extensive settlements on 
both sides of the Mississipjii, and those on the Ohio and 
its waters. In addition to this, large quantities of lead are 
sent to New-Orleans and Pittsburgh, where part of it is 
consumed ; the remainder finds its way to the Atlantic 
and European markets. The want of capitals, and the 
still greater want of industry among the inhabitants on 
the Mississippi, especially the Creoles, operate as power- 
ful checks to the manufacture of lead. When necessity 
compels them, they will labor with spirit till the means of 
a few months subsistence are obtained ; they will then 
retire, and indulge their indolence, till necessity again ur- 
ges them to resume their laborious occupations. Even 
the few capitalists in the country, who purchase mineral, 
and manufacture lead, complain of this as an obstacle to 
their success; they are obliged to wait for the nioment 
when the victims of poverty and want deposit with them 
the fruits of their exertion. 

Most nations, who own lead mines, derive a public re- 
venue from them. How can the United States iivail them- 
selves of this advantage ? If the country contained a given 
Eiumber of theiu only, and it required great labor, expense, 
and an intricate process, to obtain the lead, no difficulty ot 
consequence would probably occur. But when mineral 



MINElRAL nrCHES. 399 

lead is found scattered here and there over the surface of 
an extensive territory, and also deposited in the bowels 
of the earth, at all times easy of access, it appears impos- 
sible to secure an exclusive privilege. If the people be 
prohibited from taking it in one or more places, they will 
resort to others. All the troops in service would not be 
able to guard this treasure ; and those disposed to purloin 
it, would laugh at legal restraints. Some of the mines, 
indeed, are private property ; but the number and extent 
of these bear no proportion to those included in the pub- 
lic domain. The discoverer of a mine, under the Span- 
ish government, was entitled to a grant of land of suffici- 
ent extent to embrace it ; or he was at liberty to occupy 
and work it, provided he rendered one tenth of the produce 
to the crown. 

If the lead mines may be considered as productive of 
individual wealth, and at the same time of great national 
advantage, no less can be said of the mines or masses of 
salt found in almost every part of Louisiana. This arti- 
cle is even more general than that of lead, at least a wider 
extent of country is impregnated with it, and it is exhi- 
bited in a variety of forms ; it appears in springs and o- 
ther streams, in and on the earth, in thin strata, and in so- 
lid masses ; i£ is likewise incorporated with vast bodies of 
rock found in the interior, and in some instances is easily 
separated from the useless substances connected with it. 

The country about the Washita, and Red river, affords 
many instances of salt, where a sufficient quantity of that 
article may be obtained to supply a crowded population. 
Three salt pits or salines on the former river have been 
nccurately examined. The specific gravity of the water 
in the first, when compared with that of the river, is 
i. 02jr20; that of the second 1. 02104; that of the third 
1.0176. The water of the two first, is of the same 
strength as that of the ocean along our coast ; and double 
: '}? strength of the water yielded by some of the best licks 



400 yKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

in Kentucky. Ten quarts of the water, taken from one 
of the first, will afford, by evaporation, eight ounces of 
good salt. 

■ Several salt springs have been been discovered about the 
Sabine ; and an excellent one is known to exist near the 
Ocatahola lake. 

The saline in the vicinity of Nachitoches, and on the 
navigable waters of Red river, promises to be productive. 
Three wells only have been sunk ; they furnish water for 
thirty kettles, whose contents are six hundred and sixty 
gallons ; and as the water is nearly saturated, these ket- 
tles attended by seven laborers, produce about two hun- 
dred and forty barrels of salt per month, at an expense of 
one hundred and forty dollars. The salt is equal in good- 
ness to that imported from Liverpool. To what extent 
this manufacture may be carried is uncex'tain ; perhaps 
one hundred wells of equal value may be sunk. It is pret- 
ty evident, that the proprietors will soon be able to supply 
all the settlements about Red river, as also those in the 
Mississippi territory, at a cheaper rate than can be done by 
way of New Orleans. 

The water in some of the branches of Red river is too 
strongly impregnated with salt to be potable. Hunters 
have discovered silver ore in many places about the head 
waters of Red river, as also great quantities of mineral or 
rock salt. This is likewise found on some parts of the 
Washita, together with several springs as salt as the ocean. 
The accounts, however, received of these several instances 
of salt, are extremely vague and indistinct; not calculated, 
indeed, to afford us any other than a confused idea of 
them. Cathartic salts, and magnesia, may be manufac- 
tured in the neighborhood of Nachitoches ; articles of 
some consequence in a country, where certain diseases are 
endemical. 

Salt springs exist on the Arkansas and Missouri, and 
are scattered over the country situated between them. 



MINERAL RICHES. 401 

They aflbrd salt in different proportions; in some it is 
hardly perceptible to the taste ; while in others it is forc- 
ed bvthe saturated water in small particles from the earth, 
which, as the water spreads, and the rapidity of it abates, 
are deposited in concrete masses on the ground. In the 
vicinity of one of them, the Osages have a hunting camp. 
Xo less than four tribes of Indians, who inhabit the wa- 
ters of the Kansas and Platte rivers, derive their sup- 
plies in part from similar depositories, and in part from 
the salt springs with which the country abounds. 

One spring of this nature, remarkable for its size, and 
for the productive quality of its water, deserves to be no- 
ticed in this place. It is situated on Grand river, which 
is an easterly branch of the Arkansas, and at a very little 
distance from the latter river. This spring forms a foun- 
•tain or bason at its source of about forty feet diameter. It 
then suddenly disappears under a rock of about forty yards 
in extent, the top of which is flat and smooth, and great 
quantities of salt are formed on it, though it is not fit for 
use, as it is apparently mixed with sulphur, or some other 
offensive substance. The water is nearly saturated ; the 
Indians and Indian traders procure their salt from it ; and 
they say, that eight gallons of it will yield by evaporation 
one gallon of salt. About four hundred Osages, living 
near the mouth of Verdigris river, a short distance only 
from this spring, obtain their supplies of salt from it ; 
and as it is situated on a navigable stream, it will probably 
very soon become of importance to the manufacturers of 
salt among the whites. 

The salines just below St. Genevieve are productive. 
The inhabitants on both sides of the Mississippi derive 
most of their supplies from them ; and no small propor- 
tion of the salt is boated up the Ohio. The salines on 
the Merimak are also valuable : Thev supply in part the 
settlers on the east side of the Mississippi ; nearly all those 
of the district of St. Louis ; and a proportion of those in 



402 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the district of St. Charles, There are also some salines 
on what is called Salt river, in the neighborhood of the 
upper settlements on the IMississippi, which bid fair to be 
productive. 

In addition to these springs and salines, Upper Louisi- 
ana furnishes some extraordinary appearances of salt, a 
description of which will now be attempted with as much 
accuracy as the materials before us will allow. 

Near the source of one of the easterly branches of the 
Arkansas, and in a westerly direction from the Osage vil- 
lages, is situated what is called the salt prairie. This is 
annually visited by some of our traders. Two of the most 
respectable characters in the country have repeatedly vi- 
sited it, and made themselves fully acquainted with every 
particular concerning it. This prairie, according to them, 
is about twenty five miles diameter, (others say nearly for- 
ty) composed of a dark colored indurated sand, free from 
herbage, and surrounded by lofty hills. As soon as the 
heat of the sun begins to exhale the moisture of the sand, 
a thin coat of salt is gradually formed on the surface. 
The quantity of salt thus produced wholly depends on the 
degrees of heat ; and frequently during the hottest days in 
summer, it accumulates to the thickness of nearly an inch 
and a half. In some places it has the appearance of 
fine table salt, and may be swept or gathered into heaps ; 
in others it forms an incrustation, and resembles vast 
sheets of thin ice. The dev/s dissipate it. The rains oc- 
casionally precipitate large bodies of it into the branch al- 
luded to, where part of it concretes, and is deposited a- 
long the shores. The author has several times seen salt 
taken from the prairie and branch : That from the first is 
free from impurities, very white, and sufficiently fine for 
table uses : That from the last is mixed with more or less 
sand, collected ffom the bed and sides of the stream, and 
exhibits the colors of the several strata of earth where it. 
is deposited. No estimate can be made of the quantity 



MINERAL RICHES. 403 

of salt, which might be annually obtained from this prai- 
tie ; but it would yield sufficient to excite our surprise and 
admiration. The branch, on which it is situated, is navi- 
gable at the season of high water : But no benefit can be 
expected from it at present, as the Indians claim the coun- 
try, and generally prove troublesome to those of the 
whites, who venture to hunt or to reside in it. 

About forty miles from this prairie, there are two mines 
of genuine fossil salt. This article is found in solid mas- 
ses in the earth, and exhibits different colors : That taken 
from one of the mines approaches to a blue : That taken 
from the other is nearly red. The extent of them is un- 
known, though from a cursory examination they are sup- 
posed to be inexhaustible. 

A little to the southward of these mines, and on a 
branch of the Arkansas, nature furnishes a singular phe- 
nomenon. On the side of a small hill five holes or basons 
may be seen sunk in a horizontal rock, which are always 
full of salt water, but never overflow. When water is 
taken from them, they instantly fill again. About ten feet 
below them a large spring of pure fresh water flows from 
the same hill. 

There is another extraordinary appearance of salt, de- 
nominated by some the salt mountain, though its position 
and extent have been variously related : It is supposed to 
be situated at the head of one of the western branches of 
the Arkansas. This mountain, if it may be so called, has 
been visited by Indians only, and on them we are unfor- 
tunately obliged to rely for a description of it. 

The Osages are well acquainted with this place. While 
the Spanish government existed they made frequent ex- 
cursions to the borders of New Mexico, partly to obtain 
wild horses, and partly to depredate on the Indians in that 
quarter. From this mountain they obtained theh; supplies 
of salt, though it is situated about twenty five miles out 
of their common route. They uniformly describe a high 



404 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

bluff or mountain composed of a solid mass of fossil salt, 
and covered with a thin stratum of earth ; at the base of 
which issues a large salt spring, sufficient in size to be na- 
vigable soon after it reaches the plains ; and this, from 
the concurrent testimony of those Indians, appears to form 
one of the principal western branches of the Arkansas. 
They first remove the earth, and then break the salt into 
such fragments as are convenient to be carried on their 
horses. Of the extent of this saline mass they are totally 
ignorant ; nor are they able to state any other particulars 
concerning it. Salt rock, and salt springs are common in 
this country. In the winter season, the salt oozes from 
those rocks facing the sun, and forms an incrustation on 
them. Salt springs so hot as to boil fresh meat are some- 
times found ; and for this purpose they are visited by the 
Indians and other hunters. 

The existence of such a salt bluff or mountain as is 
mentioned is partly confirmed by the following facts. Du- 
ring the winters of 1771 and 1772 a gentleman now living 
at Vincennes pursued the peltry trade on the Arkansas. 
lie ascended that river about eight hundred miles, and 
then entered what is called the western branch of it ; the 
water of which was as red as vermillion, and as salt as the 
ocean. The freshes in the spring inundated the bottoms 
along the branch, and when the waters subsided the sur- 
face of the earth thus deluged, was found to be covered 
with a sheet of salt, from three to five inches in thickness ! 
This relation, so far as it respects the color and saline qua- 
lities of the water, is fully attested by an officer, who, in 
the spring of 1806, explored the lower half of the Arkan- 
sas under the orders of the government. The fact is, that 
in the season of freshes, the water of that river is of a red 
color, and so salt as nut to be potable at the settlements 
near its mouth. This saline quality is occasioned bj^ se- 
veral branches, which have their sources either in ground 
strongly impregnated with salt, or flow through a country 



MINERAL RICHES. 4O5 

where this article presents itself in more solid masses. 
Mineral salt, taken from the country about the Arkansas, 
has been seen among the Indians about nine hundred miles 
up the Missouri. *' 

Another extraordinary instance of salt remains to be 
mentioned. The adventurer, Philip Nolan, who visited 
the borders of New Mexico about the year 1796, where 
he eventually lost his life, constructed a map of one of his 
tours, on which he delineated a salt mountain, and beneath 
the delineation wrote " here your friend encamped three 
" xvceks.''^ The gentleman, to whom he presented the 
map, questioned him relative to what appeared a phenom- 
enon, and he declared with the strongest asseveration, that 
a mountain of fossil salt actually existed a little to the 
southward of the sources of Red river. This map has 
been inspected by the author of these sketches. 

To those unacquainted with the existence of salt in a 
great variety of forms in other parts of the globe, the ac- 
counts of that article in Louisiana may appear incredible ; 
perhaps some may be inclined to consider them as fabulous 
and without foundation. If, however, they will consult 
those authors, both ancient and modern, who have des- 
cribed the appearances of salt in general, their incredulity 
will vanish ; they will even admit the probability, that 
Louisiana contains great quantities of that article. Pliny, 
the naturalist, has left us an account of the several exam- 
ples and kinds of salt known in his time. Dr. Shaw speaks 
of several salt mountains in Barbary. Three scientific 
travellers, Watson, Townsend, andKirman, have describ- 
ed a salt mountain in Spain, which is about five miles in 
circumference, and above five hundred feet in height : 
The depth of the salt below the surface of the adjacent 
country is not known ; this article is transparent, and of 

* A less copious account of the salt found in Louisiana was pub. 
llshed by the author, in 1806, in the Medical Repository. 



^06 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the rock kind, and extremely pure. Other mountains of 
salt are said by the same travellers to exist in Calabria, in 
the province of Astracan, and in the states of Tunis, and 
Algiers. In the isle of Ormus " are 7nountains of salt 
"■' frightful to look at:' 

Sicard and Volneyhave described some remarkable in- 
stances of salt in Egypt to the west of the Delta. Ac- 
cording to the last author, the whole continent of Africa 
is either composed of salt, or calculated to produce it. 

Salt rock is found in England and France, from which 
vast quantities of salt are manufactured. Perhaps the Bos- 
nia and Wiliska salt mines in Poland are the most remark- 
able of any on the globe*. Mines of a similar nature, and 

* The mine of Bosnia was opened in 1251, and has been constantly 
worked since that period. The salt is taken from a vein or seam of 
ten thousand feet in length : The depth of this mass is unknown, 
though more than half a century ago it had been penetrated twelve 
himdred feet below the surface of the ground ; the breadth of it at 
that time was seven hundred and fifty feet. The salt obtainc d here 
is drj', easily broken in pieces, and put into casks. — The mine ut Wi- 
liska is situated directly under the town, and the inimense weight o- 
ver it is supported by vast pillars of salt. Tliis vein has been opened 
more than two thousand feet in length, upwards of six hundred feet 
in breadth, and eight hundred feet in depth ; at least such was the 
progress made sixty years ago. This vast pit or mine contains a kind 
of subterranean commonwealth, and the members of it " are govern- 
" ed by their own policy and laws ; many of those born in these dreary 
'• abodes never see the light of tlie sun, and many of those who enter 
•' them as laborers seldom return to the reat world again." Spacious 
galleries and chapels are excavated from the solid rock salt, as also 
store -houses and other buildings. They are constantly lighted, and 
the rays of light reflected from the luminous and various colored-salt, 
afford to the eye a multitude of singular and pleasing images. The 
salt is procured here in larg-e shapeless masses, from winch blocks 
are cut, nieasuring in some instances more than one hundred square 
feet; it is of various kinds and colors, green and coarse, white and 
fine, and frequently crystallized ; and when this last kind is taken 
from the rock it breaks into cubes and rectangular prisms. The an- 
nual produce of this mine is about six hundred thousand pounds, f^ee 
from impurities. What is remarkable a spring of fresh -water breaksi 
out in this mine, and runs through it. 



MINERAL RICHES: 40^ 

of equal magnitude, are said to exist in Moldavia and 
WoUachia. 

Instances occur where salt is found on the surface of the 
ground, like that on the salt prairie already noticed. 
*' Large tracts of country in California are occasionally 
" covered with fine salt, formed by the heat of the sun." 
Another singular instance of the kind occurs ♦' on the con- 
*' fines of Dancala and Tigra in Abyssinia, where there is 
" a large plain four days journey in extent ; one side of 
*' which is incrusted all over with a pure white salt in 
" such quantities, that some hundreds of camels, mules, 
" and asses, are constantly employed in fetching it from 
" thence." In Persia '* whole plains, about ten leagues 
" long, and six or seven broad, are covered with a white 
" shining salt of good flavor." 

South America, likewise, furnishes many extraordina^' 
instances of salt. " That part of the Andes," says the 
Abbe Molina, " corresponding with the provinces of Ca- 
*' piapo and Coquimbo (in Chili) contains several vioiin- 
" tains of fossil salt ^ dispersed in strata or layers, crystal- 
*' lized in transparent cubes, frequently colored with yel- 
" low, blue, and red." This able writer was a native of 
Chili ; and to men enjoying this advantage, wc have the 
more right to look for faithful descriptions. 

Those who give credit to these historical relations, need 
not wonder at the existence of similar instances of salt in 
Louisiana. Of their existence, indeed, we have sufficient 
evidence ; but the nature and extent of them, as also the 
benefits to be expected from them, are much less accu- 
rately ascertained, and therefore to future discoveries we 
must look for a more competent knowledge of thcm» 



SlCETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 



THE number of Indian nations in Louisiana, and the 
aggregate number of their inhabitants, cannot be ascer- 
tained with any degree of accuracy. Many of them have 
never been visited by the whites, and most of the accounts 
of those already known, are extremely defective. They 
are dispersed over an immense tract ; they inhabit the 
rocky or shining mountains, the borders of North Mexico, 
the shores of the gulf, and the islands near the coast. Per- 
haps our western travellers may detail the number and si- 
tu-^ t on of those on the Missouri and Columbia with suf- 
ficient certainty ; but these, however numerous, form on- 



410 SKETCHES OF LOUISlAXxV. 

ly a small proportion of the whole. Years must roll away, 
unless a greater spirit of enterprise is manifested, before 
any accurate account of the aborigines can be obtained^ 
It cannot be expected, that the government will aid the 
exploration of all the parts of a wild and extensive coun- 
try. The learned and curious in other countries project, 
and carr}' into execution, land and sea voyages of discove- 
ry, and derive no benefit from them, except what apper- 
tains to science in general. No doubt the interior regions 
of Louisiana contain objects of sufficient value to reward 
the labor of investigation. They would excite the ingenu- 
ity of the botanist, and chymist, particularly of the metallur- 
gist and mineralogist ; and the discoveries in the power 
of such men to make, would prove useful to mankind. 
The citizens of the United States are not deficient in en- 
terprise ; but this is excited among them more from the 
hopes of wealth, than from a disposition to extend the 
field of information. They voluntarily traverse the most 
distant seas and oceans, and mind not the hardships they 
suffer, nor the dangers to which they are exposed ; but they 
appear solicitous to avoid land peregrinations, not because 
they want hardihood, courage, or perseverance, but be- 
cause they expose themselves to certain expenses without 
any tempting prospects of remuneration. Under these 
circumstances, all that can be expected at present is, some 
brief relation of the most prominent traits in the character 
and manners of the Indians. 

The Indians are now what they were when America 
was first discovered by the Spaniards, except those who have 
had any considerable intercourse with the whites, which 
has invariably tended to debase and corrupt them. In their 
manners and characters, the several nations differ from 
each other in some essential particulars. Perhaps this 
diversity is in a great measure occasioned by their differ- 
ent origins, and in some measure by the varieties of cli- 
mate. 



or THE ABORIGINES. 411 

The peculiar circumstances of the Indians, in some de- 
gree, denote their character. Hunting and war consti- 
tute ahnost their only exercise* These require great cau- 
tion and dexterity, particularly the latter. Hence they 
become grave and sedate, and seldom speak more than a 
ftw words on any otcasion, except when awakened to it 
by considerations of magnitude. When the hunting sea- 
son is over, and they have a stock of provisions on hand, 
and not engaged in war, they are weighed down by inac- 
tivity and lassitude. They indulge themselves in hardly 
any amusement, except that of dancing j and this exercise is 
usually pursued in the evening. An Indian conceives it be- 
neath his dignity to labor in the field. This is almost in- 
variably imposed on the women, who, on long marches, 
are also loaded like pack-horses, though they do not think 
themselves degraded ; while the men walk at their ease 
with only their guns, or bows and arrows in their hands; 
and the greatest recommendation a wife can possess is, that 
she is healthy, strong and capable of bearing fatigue. Perhaps 
this is a dictate of nature j but the tyranny exercised by 
husbands over their wives, cannot be reconciled to any 
just or necessary principles. The women are the mere 
slaves of the men, not their companions ; they must ei- 
ther submit to their whims and caprices, or be punished 
at the discretion of their vindictive and cruel masters. 
In some nations, the husband has an absolute power over 
his wife, and he either kills, or punishes her as he plea- 
ses. The exercise of this power, especially among the 
letans, has so reduced the number of females, that it bears 
no proportion to that of the other sex. M my of the wo- 
men are disfigured; some appear without noses and ears; 
and others again without hands. The Scythians and 
Goths imposed heavy burdens on their women ; but in 
other respects they treated them as equals. They ex- 
acted a fine from him who injured a man; and for the 
same injury done to a woman, a double fine was imposed. 
3 G 



412 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAxV A. 

Equality reigns among the Indians, and no one has any 
exclusive pre-eminence, except what arises from age, or 
from personal or mental endowments. Education and 
wealth never fail to create distinctions in civilized society; 
and even those possessed of the latter only, are frequently 
elevated to important offices in the state, without one vir- 
tue, or useful qualification to recommend them. Among 
the Indians the custom is different. They are destitute 
of what we call education ; their lands are in common ; 
what they separately acquire in the chase excites no envy 
or jealousy; the plunder obtained in war devolves on him 
who first seizes it, and he who acquires the most of it, is 
usually most applauded for his prowess and dexterity. In 
some instances, they have a kind of hereditary nobility: 
But in time of war and danger they take the advice of 
their old men, put themselves under the authority of their 
best military chiefs, elevated to office in consequence of 
their bravery and skill ; and these in difficult times are 
implicitly obeyed, though during the existence of peace 
their authority is merely nominal, except in some rare in- 
stances. 

The different nations of Indians are uniform at least in 
two particulars ; innocence and simplicity prevail among 
them. To strangers they are humane and docile ; every 
family is solicitous to welcome them, and to afford them 
protection. When a stranger enters one of their habita- 
tions, the best things it affords are set before him. If he 
visits all the habitations in the town, the same hospitality 
is successively repeated ; and he must taste of the food 
set before him, or he is sure to give offence, as the Indi- 
ans are led to believe that he despises them, and studious- 
ly slights their friendly offices. When a white man of 
rank visits them, they study to receive him with the 
greatest marks of respect. They usually meet him at 
some distance from the town, spread a buffaloe robe or 
other skin before him, in which he places himself; and in 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 413 

this manner is carried to their habitations. These are 
traits similar to those observed among many of the nor- 
thern and eastern nations at this day. 

Such indeed are the simple manners of the natives, 
and so unsuspicious in the common concerns of life, that 
they indulge many habits, which, to the more civilized 
and refined, appear to border on vice. Each dwelling 
or cabin, has seldom more than one room, and the size 
of it is in proportion to the number of individuals in the 
family. When an Indian marries his daughter, he usu- 
ally takes her husband to his house ; so that a family or 
lodge sometimes contains thirty or forty persons. The 
floor or ground is covered with mats or skins, and the 
members of the family repose themselves on them. If a 
stranger visits them, he sleeps among the rest; and in- 
stances have occurred where white visitors have reposed 
by the side of the unmarried daughters of their host, 
without the least suspicion, that they would indulge 
themselves to the dishonor of the family. 

The ceremonies of courtship and marriage are by no 
means uniform ; they are somewhat singular among the 
Indians on the east side of the Mississippi. When a 
young man is desirous of obtaining any particular female 
for his wife, he explains his intentions either to her real or 
adopted uncle. The bargain once completed, and the 
preliminaries settled, the groom builds himself a fire or 
hut sepai-ate from the rest ; and in the evening commen- 
ces playing on an instrument, something in the form of a 
whistle. The bride advances slowly behind him, and 
tickles his nose with a leaf or blade of grass. He starts 
as from a profound reverie, and manifests great surprise, 
while she leaps into the dark, and indulges a kind of tit- 
tering laugh. This farce is frequently repeated, till at 
length the groom wraps himself in his blanket, lays down, 
and pretends to be in a sound sleep. The bride si- 
lently approaches his feet, and tickles them, and he is 



414 SKETCHES OF LOUISIA^A. 

again awaked to a seeming surprise. She makes hev 
escape as before. This is also frequently repeated, till 
the fire becomes extinguished, and the Indians have re- 
tired to rest, when she silently lays herself down by the 
side of her husband. 

If the Indians are humane and hospitable in peace, 
and practice some of the milder virtues, in time of war 
all their implacable passions appear to be awakened, and 
they excite terror and dismay among those unaccustomed 
to their modes of warfare. Considerable preparations 
are necessary before a war be undertaken. The old men 
are consulted on the propriety of it, and their advice ta- 
ken in what manner to proceed ; they at the same time 
endeavour to persuade other nations either to participate 
with them, or to maintain a perfect neutrality during the 
contest. They practise many superstitious and religious 
ceremonies ; consult the eclipses and their jugglers or 
priests ; and endeavour to discover some omens in their 
dreams, on which they place great hopes of victory, or 
despair of success. 

' These preparations are kept a profound secret ; as their 
object is to surprise their enemy. AVhen they are pro- 
perly prepared, they march to the attack, not in the man- 
ner of the whites, but in the manner the best calculated 
to draw their enemy into ambuscades, and to destroy or 
cripple him before he is able to defend himself. Hence 
their warfare is rather predatory than systematic. They 
seldom keep in large bodies, except when opposed by an 
army of whites, but divide themselves into small bands ; 
perhaps in some measure for the purpose of obtaining 
provision. In this way they depredate on each other. 
The weaker party usually makes a precipitate retreat. 
This draws after it no disgrace, as it enables them the 
better to practise the stratagems of war. If they happen 
to kill any of their enemies, they risk almost every dan- 
ger to obtain their scalps, while the friends of the slain 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 415 

endeavour to prevent it ; they conceive it a disgrace to let 
them fall into the hands of the victors ; and on such oc- 
casions a furious and bloody combat frequently happens. 
All their onsets are accompanied with yells of defiance, 
sufficient to intimidate those not familiarised to such 
scenes. 

During the continuance of the war, various modes of 
attack are concerted. Among others, for instance, is 
that contrived by some war chief; and to obtain warriors 
to carry it into execution, he proceeds thus : He erects 
a large post in some conspicuous place ; proclamation is 
made for the warriors to attend, and he developes to them 
his plan. He then walks up to the post, and sticks his 
tommahawk into it ; all those in favour of the measure, 
and disposed to share in the enterprise, follow his ex- 
ample. If there be a sufficient number of volunteers to 
promise success, they immediately move to the scene of 
action. The chief who proposed the expedition assumes 
the command. The one who stuck his tommahawk into 
the post next after him, is considered as the second offi- 
cer, and so of the rest. 

After the acquisition of a victory, however insignifi- 
cant, the conquerors usually set out for their homes, 
with their prisoners, scalps, and articles of plunder. AYhen 
arrived in sight of them, they commence a loud and 
mournful lamentation, which serves as a signal to the 
distant spectators, that some of their friends and relatl 
ons have been killed. They are soon met by all the wo- 
men, who set up loud cries, pluck out their hair, and 
even their flesh, in token of their undissembled sorrow. 
"When arrived in the midst of the village or camp, an 
universal silence is proclaimed, when one of the warriors 
relates all the circumstances of the expedition. The wo- 
men, who have lost any relations or kindred, again com- 
mence their melancholy wailing; and the^' sometimes 
work themselves into such a rage, that they fall on the 



416 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

prisoners, and massacre them on the spot. No one dares 
to interfere, or to plead in favor of the victims; for they 
consider this female sorrow as sacred, and the least in- 
terruption of it a crime of the deepest dye. 

If however, the prisoners are not thus disposed of, an- 
other fate awaits them. The women have a right to take 
them, to supply, in part, the places of their lost friends, 
and in this case they are reduced to slavery. If this 
right be waved, the prisoners are doomed to a terrible 
death. They are usually conducted to an open plain, or 
some other suitable place, when they commence their death 
songs. They are either fastened to stakes, or placed on 
stages or scaffolds ; and the most refined tortures are in- 
vented on the one hand, while on the other the most he- 
roic fortitude is collected to sustain the terrors of the last 
scene. The nation assembles as on a festival, and both 
old and young, both male and female, feast with pleasure 
on the work of death before them. The nails of the un- 
happy victims are plucked out; their flesh is gradually 
torn from their bodies ; hot irons are forced into them ; 
matches of lighted wood are stuck about them ; and 
sometimes the flesh taken from them is greedily devoured 
by the spectators. In this way they suifer five or six 
hours, and frequendy for two or three days; and in 
these dreadful sacrifices the women act a more conspicu- 
ous part than the men. During all this time, not a groan 
escapes the victims, nor are their featm-es distorted. 
They upbraid the conquerors for their ignorance ; explain 
to them more exquisite modes of torture ; repeat their 
exploits, and boast of the number they have killed, par- 
ticularly of the victor nation. In this particular they re- 
semble the ancient Cantabrians, who chanted their songs 
even at the moment they were dying by the hands of the 
Romans. Education and religion teach better things ; and 
pcjhaps the ti^ne may come when the great family of man- 
kind will be equally under their benign influence. 



OF THE ADORIGINKS. 417 

The Indians are not more implacable in their resent- 
ments than tender in their friendships ; they carry both 
to an extraordinary excess. While they are friends they 
will omit no opportunity to serve you, and even rist 
their lives to protect you. The remembrance of a favor 
expires not with him who I'eceived it ; it is frequently' 
handed down from one generation to another, and if an 
opportunity occurs they will return it. A remarkable in- 
stance of this appears in the early history of one of the 
eastern states. The Indians attacked a village of whites, 
and were repulsed with considerable loss. Two or more 
of the wounded were secreted and protected by a poor 
widow, who eventually cured them of their wounds, and 
gave them instructions in what manner to return in safety 
to their nation. Nearly half a century afterwards, the 
same village was again attacked by the same nation of 
Indians, when they massacred all the whites they were 
able to secure ; except the relations and descendants of 
the poor widow, who were treated with kindness, and 
none of them plundered of their property. Such instan- 
ces of gratitude are not rare among them ; and if the 
■ whites are more destitute of this noble quality, perhaps 
it is because their virtues are less founded on nature than 
on the dictates of a false education. 

"We must therefore, admire the stability of Indian 
friendships, and at the same time condemn the duration 
of their resentments. They will brood over them ;' no 
distance of time or p'ace wHl obliterate them ; they care- 
fully conceal them ; and when an opportunity offers they 
will ext^reise their vengeance. During all this time, 
even when filled with rage, they preserve their features 
unchanged; andmq pne can possibly suspect from their 
conduct, that they.da^ditaCe, any thiug extraordinary. la 
fine, it is a characterbUc trait anqiong the Indians, never 
to be movci " ' "" ' ' '^ -" - ' ' any 



418 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

sudden and unexpected event ; except, perhaps, In time of 
war. ^ 

Let no one infer, from what has been said, that the 
Indians are really more passionate than the whites. The 
fact is, they are much r,ss given to passion, and may be 
said to be almost destitute of it. The boisterous and 
vengeful spirit exhibited by them in time of war, cannot 
properly be called by this name. They perform many 
actions from principle, and in a dispassionate manner, at 
which the whites revolt with horror, and never attempt 
to achieve, except to gratify the most vindictive resent- 
ment. 

Their lives are apparently wretched, yet, perhaps, 
they are the most happy people on earth. They exhibit 
in their manners a strong mixture of the fiercest and most 
gentle features ; the imperfections of brutes, and the best 
qualities of human nature. 

They appear to have no form of government, nor to 
acknowledge any law ; yet they actually live under the 
first, and voluntarily submit to the latter. They have es- 
tablished principles and customs among them, from which 
they seldom depart. These are derived from their an- ' 
cestors, and many of them appear to be founded in wis- 
dom. The glorious prerogatives of independence and 
freedom, in a particular manner, belong to them, and 
they view with horror the exercise of despotic power. 
They are extremely impatient under any kind of restraint. 
Reason produces more subordination among them, than 
among civilized nations ; and their almost total exemption 
from quarrels, factions, and discords, is a manifest proof 
of it. 

They always respect a man whom they esteem; but 
this esteem is not easily imbibed. They rely much on 
physiognomy, and their conduct proves, that they are 
not wholly ignorant of the science. 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 4i^ 

No considerable number of people can be suppo.'^ed to 
^xist without some kind of government, and at the same 
time destitute of municipal regulations: Otherwise every 
man would be his own judge and avenger ; the exercise 
of these dangerous prerogatives would soon disperse the 
members of the society. Hence it is, that all rude nati- 
ons are governed by, at least, unwritten laws, preserved 
by tradition ; and these are more or less certain in their 
operation, according to the personal authority of those 
appointed to carry them into effect, or according to the 
light in which crimes are viewed by the multitudec, The; 
ancient Irish had their Brehons, or heriditary judges, on 
whom devolved the preservation, interpretation, and exe- 
cution of their traditionary laws, which remained in full 
vigor till the time of the conquest. Other nations m 
Europe had their Druids, and the Indians of America 
have their Priests and civil chiefs. 

The rights of property among the Indians are not of a 
very^complex nature, and few disputes occur concerning 
them. Contests of this description are generally adjust- 
ed and determined in a satisfactory manner, by the old 
men and chiefs, who are the customary judges on suck 
occasions. 

But the crimes and punishments among them are more 
complicated, and are so different among different nations, 
that the several grades of them are hardly susceptible of 
definition, With some the /ex talio?iis prevails; while^ 
with others, punishments for most offences are averted by 
composition. 

They are also extremely ununiform with respect ta 
their conception and definition of crimes. Among some 
a murder committed by a drunken man is not deemed 
criminal, but only a misfortune; they transfer the guilt 
fl-om the man to the cause of his ebriety. Others admit 
of no excuse, except self defence and unavoidable neces- 
sity, and the destruction of the murderer ensues. Cri^ 
"> H 



420 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

minals of this description, in some nations, undergo a 
kind of trial and condemnation. In others they no soon- 
er commit capital offences, than the laws are supposed to 
condemn them without trial, and it belongs to those the 
most concerned to carry the sentence into execution. If 
these neglect it, the chiefs will sometimes interpose their 
authority, and become the avengers of justice. Among 
some nations the murderer is delivered over to the near- 
est relation of the deceased, who has a right to kill him, 
or to compound with him, as was the case among the an- 
cient Saxons. The same practice prevails in Turkey. 
In some other parts of the east, particularly in Abyssiniaj 
the injured party has no power over the culprit till he is 
doomed to death by the judges, and then the right of pe- 
cuniary composition attaches. 

It is wonderful with what fortitude, and even indiffer- 
ence, the Indians will face death ; not only in presence 
of their enemies, but when doomed to it by their cus- 
toms and laws. Most of them conceive it a disgrace to 
become the fugitives of justice, and therefore seldom at- 
tempt to escape. They will even present themselves to 
those they have injured, and impatiently solicit the fatal 
stroke. If these neglect or refuse to become their exe- 
cutioners, the misery they feel drives them almost to 
madness ; and to release themselves from it they often 
provoke the hand of justice by the commission of new 
and aggravated crimes. The faithful monitor within tells 
them, that they have forfeited their lives, and hence they 
indignantly spurn the idea of existence. These senti- 
ments are seemingly delicate and elevated, and it is dif- 
ficult to account for them. Perhaps they may be traced 
in part to their religion, and in part to the veneration 
they entertain for their civil institutions. 

In their last moments, when summoned to depart by 
sickness, or the infirmities of age, they call their family 
and frieuds about them, and impart their dying advice 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 421 

with as much serenity of mind as if uttered in health, 
and in a council of chiefs. Their patience never forsakes 
them ; and perhaps this, as well as their intrepidity in 
the hour of danger, is derived from the expectation of a 
happy existence in another world. 

The sick, when pronounced incurable by their physi- 
cians, are often put to death by their friends and relatiti 
ons ; and even the old and infirm, when no longer able 
to support themselves, are doomed to share the same 
fate. The first preliminary to this tragedy is a feast. 
They usually kill a number of dogs, whom they instruct 
to proclaim to the spirits in the other world, that an ad- 
dition will soon be made to their number. The carcases 
of the dogs are greedily devoured; after which they 
despatch their victims, generally by strangling them. 

Perhaps even this practice, so repugnant to our feel- 
ings, as also that of massacreing prisoners taken in war, 
may find some excuse or alleviation in the peculiar cir- 
cumstances of the Indians. 

■ Almost their only sustenance is derived from the chase. 
None but the men are able to pursue it, and it often hap- 
pens that six or eight women and children depend on the 
exertions of one man. This burden is still increased, if 
there be any sick or old to support. These, especially 
the latter, become tired of theh- lives when no longer a- 
ble to share the fatigues of war, or to procure game for 
themselves. They therefore voluntarily submit to a pre- 
mature death ; and those who are bound by nature to 
nourish them while they live, are also doomed to become 
their executioners when unable to supply them with the 
means of living. Besides, as the Indians are almost al- 
ways at war, they are obliged to move from place to 
place, and frequently with great precipitation ; and in 
such an extremity, their sick and infirm old people must 
cither prove an incumbrance, or fall into the hands of 



42ii 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 



their enemies. Necessity therefore seems to dictate their 
destruction. 

They are much more excusable in kiUing their prison- 
ers. If they preserved their lives, who woald support 
them ? Were this difficulty removed, how could they 
spare their warriors to guard them ? Situated as they are, 
vulnerable on every point, prisoners would be liable to 
make their escape, or snatched from captivity by the 
bold and successful exertions of their friends. They 
cannot with safety release their prisoners ; such a step 
would increase the number and strength of their enemies j 
therefore to kill them is as much a dictate of self preser- 
vation as of ferocity. The tortures inflicted on them, 
are intended to familiarize the young to scenes of blood, 
and to make warriors of them. 

It must be remarked, that an Indian cannot disgrace 
himself more than by suffering himself to be taken priso- 
ner. If he ever returns to his nation, it is to experience, 
at least, a temporary degradation, to be habited like a 
slave, to be exposed to public ridicule and contempt ; and 
the women and children are permitted to insult him as 
much as they please ; he is even denied the rights of hos- 
pitality ; his former acquaintance and friends avoid him, 
and he is obliged to herd and associate with domestic an- 
imals. His military conduct, however, is ultimately in- 
vestigated in a council of chiefs ; and if it be found that 
he manifested a suitable degree of courage and prudence 
at the time he was made prisoner, he is restored to his 
former station in life ; though not without many solemn 
ceremonies, which in part appear to be derived from their 
religion, in some parts of Europe, a disgraced soldier 
is restoied to his former respectability by passing u«der 
the flag of his regiment. 

Perhaps this disgrace is somewhat aggravated by the 
\iotion, that eternal happiness awaits those who fall in & 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 42 A 

I'ontest with their enemies. Such a sentiment unquesti- 
onably tends to make men brave. The Saracens never 
feared death on such occasions ; because they believed, 
that all those who perished in battle were admitted to the 
joys of paradise. The Romans and Lacedaemonians en- 
tertained nearly the same notions. All those denominat- 
ed priests among the Indians, inculcate this doctrine. 
This religious order is probably coeval with the first set- 
tlement of America; for Clavigero says, that at the time 
of the conquest of Mexico, about a million of this des- 
cription of men existed in that empire. 

Their religion, as may be supposed, is such as simple 
nature points out ; though in some it appears much more 
rational than in others. A confused notion of a Supreme 
being, and of a future state of retribution, prevails a- 
mong all of them'j except those, perhaps, within the arc- 
tic circle. They all believe in the immortality of souls ; 
but they have different ideas relative to their station and 
employment in the other world. Some conceive, that 
the good are whelmed in such pleasures as suited them in 
this life ; while all admit, that the wicked are miserable. 
Others again seem to believe the existence of a purgato- 
ry, or middle state, for a longer or shorter time, and 
then are admitted to the fruitions prevalent in the abode 
of the great spirit. It is common with them to bury 
such things with the dead as they were pleased with be- 
fore their departure. They also deposit with them their 
tommahawks, their bows and arrows, or muskets, and 
some venison ; for they apprehend, that the journey is 
long and difficult, and that, without these articles, they 
will suffer by the way. Some nations, indeed, bury all 
the property of the dead with them, Avithout regard to 
their debts, or the wants of their families. The ancient 
Canarians deposited jars of milk and wine with their 
dead, as necessary provisions for their journey. And Ce- 
car says, that the Celts, or Celtce, who burned their dead, 



424 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

placed such things, and even animals, on the funeral 
pile, as the deceased were most delighted with. 

The general iisceptacles of the dead are not always in 
the vicinity of their villages and towns. Some bury their 
dead immediatelty after death, and leave them in their 
graves till the flesh falls from the bones, and then are ta- 
ken from the ground. Others place their dead on scaf- 
folds, erected for the purpose, till their bones are in a 
like condition. At stated periods all their bones are col- 
lected, and scraped and cleaned with great care. The 
whole nation assembles to bear them to the general ma- 
gazine of corruption, and this ceremony is called the 
feast of souls. At these periods they open the tombs of 
their fathers and friends, and for a while indulge their 
tender pity and affection. The new collection of bones 
is carefully deposited, and the tombs closed ; after which 
they return to their homes. 

The Indians believe in the existence of good and 
evil spirits, which roam, unperceived, the regions of the 
air; and this belief is general from Greenland to Pata- 
gonia. Hence on occasions of importance, they endeavor 
to deprecate the wrath of the one, and to invoke tht- pro- 
pitious smiles of the other. This ceremony is perform- 
ed by their physicians, who are also their priests or jug- 
glers ; it consists of a variety of grimaces and contorti- 
ons; and in their profound reveries, they are supposed 
to converse with the spirits. Almost the same methods 
are pursued by some in the cure of those diseases, which 
have baffled their medical skill. The more northern In- 
dians practice incantations and charms ; while those in 
more temperate climates much oftener trust to the effica- 
cy of medicinal plants. In all these occult attempts, the 
jugglers are expert in their tricks, and usually perform 
them in a naked and exposed posture. Hearne saw one 
pretend to swallow a bayonet, the hilt of which only ap- 
peared out of the mouth. Another made an attempt to 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 425 

swallow a broad piece of wood, as large as a barrel 
stave, and shaped like it, one end of which was exposed 
in the same manner. Both of them walked about among 
the spectators with the articles apparently in their throats ; 
nor was it in the power of llearne to detect the decepti- 
on. The author of these sketches has seen an Osage 
juggler swallow an arrow, eighteen inches long, and there 
was no deception in this instance. 

The Indians have likewise much faith in dreams, by 
which they pretend to the knowledge of future events ; 
nor are they less sanguine in their prognostications, groun- 
ded on certain occurrences in their wakeful moments. 
An loway chief who accompanied the author of these 
sketches to the seat of government in November 1805, 
was possessed of a very curious kind of shell, in which 
he carried his tobacco. In Kentucky a citizen took a 
fancy to it, and requested it of him. He readily parted 
with it ; after which he turned roimd, and addressed his 
companions thus: " I have given away my tobacco shell, 
" and this circumstance puts me in mind that I shall die 
*' in a few days." Four days afterwards he expired 
without any apparent previous indisposition, except a 
hard struggle for about an hour, while in the agonies of 
death. 

These traits sufficiently discover, that the Indians are 
extremely superstitious. They behold eclipses with ter- 
ror, and are apt to draw the most fatal prognostics from 
them. Columbus foretold an eclipse to the inhabitants 
of one of the islands who had refused him provisions, 
and threatened them with destruction unless they grati- 
fied him. The eclipse happened as predicted; which so 
terrified the Indians, that they furnished him with the 
provisions he wanted. Mango Capac founded the Peru- 
vian empire, by means of superstition ; and many hundred 
years afterwards, when Pizarro invaded that country, the 
Peruvians recollected an ancient prophesy relative to their 



426 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

fate, and submitted without opposition. Montezuma lest 
his throne and kingdom in the same manner. 

The Indians in general have very imperfect ideas of 
the rights of property. This is the reason why some 
particular tribes are so much given to theft. They can- 
not conceive, that any one has an exclusive right to the 
goods of providence ; and therefore believe it just to 
supply their wants from the stores of those, who are fa- 
vored with a profusion. 

The southern or Mexican Indians differ in their fea- 
tures and complexions from those of the northern tribes ; 
in the first place they are more feminine, and in the se- 
cond much fairer. They are also more moderate in their 
food, and more feeble in their frames, more timid and 
irresolute in their dispositions ; with them the fatigues of 
the chase are generally exchanged for the cultivation of 
a few plants, and the avails of their manufactures, to 
which they have long been attached. They are likewise 
more refined in their manners ; not, however, from any 
intercourse they have had with the whites. Perhaps rigor - 
ous climates are, in some degree incompatible with re- 
finement, and the growth of the more amiable qualities. 
The Indians within the arctic and antarctic circles, re- 
semble each other in their habits and manners; and this 
has led some to conclude, that the difference observable 
among the natives in different quarters, mostly arise?: 
from the effect of climate. 

A perceptible difference exists, even among our wes- 
tern Indians. Those who inhabit the low grounds are 
known to be rather under size, and of swarthy complex- 
ions; while those who inhabit and range the elevated 
country, are of much larger forms, and their skins are 
not tinged ■svith so dark a hue. Perhaps the effect of 
climate is here still more manifest. 

In some instances the customs of the Indians on oppo- 
site sides of the Mississipni. difler from each other 



dF THE ABORIGINES. 40^ 

"J hose to the eastward of it hunt, travel, and go to war, 
mostly on foot; while those to the westward of that river 
usually kill their game, and fight their battles on horse- 
back. These own a prodigious number of horses ; some 
they raise, and others are obtained wild from the woods. 
They are rather small, but fleet and hardy, and wholly 
subsist on the spontaneous productions of nature. Those 
who fight mounted, generally resort to the open grounds; 
'while their brethren of the east prefer impenetrable woods 
and recesses, and take more advantage of circumstances 
to surprise their enemies. Perhaps thi? difference of 
warfare may be ascribed more to the nature of the coun- 
try, than to any primitive custom among them. The 
country in the interior of Louisiana abounds in extensive 
prairies, which spread over at least tvv^o thirds of it: 
while on the east side of the Mississippi the grounds are 
raore undulated, more rocky, and almost wholly covered 
with forests, except in the neighborhood of that river, 
and therefore not so well calculated for the use of horses. 
Hence historians and other writers ai*e mistaken when 
they contend, that there is a striking similitude in the 
form of their bodies, and in the qualities of their minds ; 
that their color and features are the same ; that they are 
small eaters ; and that nature has denied them beards, as 
likewise hair on other parts of their bodies. From these 
supposed general traits they infer diat all the Indians on 
ur continent may be traced to one common origin. These 
:iors were propagated by the early Spanish writers, whose 
iformation of the Indians was not only very limited, but 
.vhose object was to degrade them below the order of hu- 
man beings. 

Notwithstanding some of the traits before mentioned 
were produced by adventitious causes; yet it requires 
no great knowledge of the Indians to perceive, that tjiey 
are radically as dissimilar in their features, complexions, 
si^e, and language, %s the vj^rious nations on the other 
3 I 



42g SKETCHES OF. LOUISIANA. 

continents. Some are remarkably large in their frames.; 
while others cannot boast the usual stature of men; some 
of them possess strong intellects, while those manifested 
by others are much less vigorous ; some are prone to war, 
others are more peaceable ; and they as little understand 
the different languages among themselves, as they do 
those of Europe. ^ These are national traits: Perhaps 
part of them may be attributed to the influence of cli- 
mate ; for the powers of both body and mind are much 
less conspicuous in warm countries than in colder ones, 
in low marshy districts than in mountainous regions ; but 
some of them are unquestionably primitive. If the Spa- 
niards found a people of weak intellect in the islands, and 
in the Mexican dominions, they witnessed another in 
Chili of very extraordinary capacities. 

The Auraucanians, though not numerous, proved a 
match for them in bravery, and in the fertility of inven- 
tion ; and they remain unsubdued to this day. It has 
been remarked in other parts of this work, that the com- 
plexions of the Indians are by no means the same ; that 
some tribes or nations are much fairer* than others, and 
that even some of them have red or sandy hair. We 
are assured by a native of Chili in a late valuable history 
of that country, " that the Boroanes, who live in the 
" midst of the Auraucanian provinces, in the thirty ninth 
" degree of south latitude, are fair and ruddy, have blue 
" eyes, and red hair, and are as well formed as the nor- 
" thern Europeans." The Auraucanians have long black 
hair, and their complexion is of a reddish or coppery 
brown. , " Nothing (continues the same author) appears 
" tQ me more ridiculous than the assertion of several 
" writers, that all the Americans resemble each other, 
" and tliat from seeing one, you are able to judge of the 
"whole. A Chilian is as easily distinguished from a 
" Peruvian, as an Italian from a Ge-Tman, I have seen 
'' natives of Cujo, of Paraguay, and "of thq straits o£ 



OF THE ABORIGINES'. 409 

" Magellan ; and I can confidently affirm, that their 
*' countenances present a very striking difference." IF 
those in the same quarter of the country be thus distin- 
guishable from each other, how much greater the differ- 
ence between those inhabiting the various regions and 
climates on the continent ! A wide difference exists be- 
tween a Sac and an Osage, and a still greater difference 
between either and an Esquimaux. 

Nothing is more unfounded than the assertion, that 
the Indians in general are small eaters. This is proba- 
bly the case with those who live in warm climates, where 
vegitables, and the spontaneous productions of the earth, 
are usually preferred to animal food. The Indians in 
all parts of Louisiana, as also those on the east side of 
the Mississippi, are known to be voracious eaters j and 
this truth can be illustrated by a thousand examples, one 
of which follows : When the author of these sketches 
conducted about thirty Missouri chiefs to the seat of go- 
vernment in 1805, as before stated, the first three hun- 
dred miles of the way was too thinly inhabite d to furnish 
them with regular meals ; so that it became necessary to 
purchase fresh beef for them, of which they devoured 
on an average, three hundred and fifty pounds per day, 
or nearly twelve pounds per man ! 

Beards are as natural to the Indians as to any other 
people ; and nature also furnishes their bodies with the 
usual proportion of hair; but, like the Tartars, they pluck 
them out as fast as they grow, because they deem it more 
cleanly ; and by pursuing this method for a number of years, 
they appear as if nature had denied them these badges of 
puberty. They always carry about them a small looking 
glass and tweezers, which are very often employed, espe- 
cially when they are about to receive, or to appear among 
strangers. The Tunisian women follow the practice of 
thf squaws of America. 



4jy SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Among the differences manifested by the various In- 
dian nations, that of intellect is not the least. Equally 
without education, blessed with the light of nature only, 
and exposed to the same physical evils, to what shall we 
ascribe this inequality ? That there is a very great ine- 
qu^ilitv, is evident to the most superficial observer. It \[: 
wtll known to travellers, that those Indians, who live in 
genial climates, particnlarly in mountainous countries, arc 
much more vigorous in body and intellect, than the inha- 
bitants of warm climates, who inhabit a Lss salubrious 
air. This distinction is manifested in their eloquence, in 
their hostile preparations and in their bloodv rencoimtres , 
and it is evident, from a variety of considerations, that 
they are inuch less under the influence of moral than 
physical impulses. 

If it be supposed, as some able men actually do sup- 
pose, that they have one common origin, on what prin- 
ciple shall we account for the great variety of languages 
among them ? Had the European nations, like them, re- 
mained in their barbarous state, they would have pi-eser- 
ved their ancient dialects. This sentence, written so late 
as the third Henry, " He nees othes xvorthc that es cncs gijl- 
ty of oth^broken^^ may be considered as a good specimen 
of the English language at that day. The gradual inno- 
vations it has experienced, is ascribable to the introducti- 
on of the arts and sciences. The Indians are probably 
now, what they were ten centuries ago ; it is even diffi- 
cult to assign plausible reasons for mutations in their dia- 
lect*, except we admit occasional admixtures ; and these 
most likely are not numerous, as in general they are scru- 
pulously cautious to preserve their own, and to oppose 
the introduction of foreign idioms. It will, therefore, be 
difficult to trace the varieties in their languages, to this 
source : Those the best acquainted with them, perceive 
li radical difference, betv.-ccn thcn^. An Os^ge and a 



OF THE AnORIGlVES. 431 

Shawnee understand each other no better than an English 
American, and a Spaniard. 

Some of the most reprehensible customs of ihe Indi- 
ans, as they are so opposite to our moral sentiments, must 
not be omitted in a work of this natnre. They permit 
and sanction polygamy among them. The men are at li- 
berty to take as many wives as they can support, but not 
without the approbation of the old men and chiefs. A- 
niong some nations a husband has a right to repudiate' 
his wife, or to sell or kill her as he pleases. Among o- 
thers, neither of these steps can be taken without the san- 
ction of public authority. Adultery and fornication are 
viewed in different lights by different nations. Among 
some it is customary for the chief to present his youngest 
wife to his stranger guest, and if he refuses to sleep with 
her, it is considered as an affront. Among others, thf" 
chief presents his daughter, or some other unmarried fc 
male relation. This custom is similar to one prevailing 
in Abyssinia and Arabia, where a stranger of distinction 
sleeps with the sister, daughter, or some other female re- 
lation of his host. In some nations of Indians, adulter- 
is punishable with death, and fornication permitted. la 
others, fornication is a capital offence, and adultery i?. 
practised with impunity. But in some tribes, these crime? 
are not regarded. Mothers and daughters have beer 
known to grant their favors in presence of each other , 
and they are always ready to prostitute themselves, par- 
ticularly with the whites, whenever they are able to ob 
tain a pecuniary reward for it. 

Much has been said and written on the subject of In 
dian eloquence. They express themselves, especially ii. 
their public speeches, in a bold figurative style ; and ii. 
this particular they resemble the orientals. Their ges 
lures, though somewhat wild and extravagant, arc rathei 
graceful than awkward. They s^eak I'roin nature, and 
not from education. They utter what their subject in 



4.J2 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

tipires, and never advert to approved models as their stan- 
dard. Their language is barren; and hence they are ob- 
liged to resort to metaphor, or to use much circumlocu- 
tion in the expression of their sentiments. This is doubt- 
less the practice of all illiterate nations. All languages 
are figurative in proportion to their barrenness ; and this 
is more pleasing and powerful than the smooth harmony 
of studied periods: Art will do much, but nature 
much more, Pcrrhaps a profound knowledge of Ro- 
man and Grecian literature would have obscured the ge- 
nius of Shakespeare. Who at this day, except the untu- 
tored sons of nature, can utter the language of Ossian 
and Homer ? What man, trammeled with thii forms of 
modern art, can speak like Logan, mentioned in the notes 
on Virginia ? The language of nature can alone arrest at- 
tention, persuade, convince, and terrify ; and such is the 
language of the Indians. They use many figures, which 
have an appropriate and technical meaning ; and hence 
those unacquainted with their eloquence are apt, either to 
misapprehend the m, or to consider them as destitue of sense. 
Many instances of the sublime might be collected from 
their speeches ; but one specimen only must suffice. A 
3Iiami chief in 1802, set out on a visit to the president. 
He called on the author of these sketches, at one of our 
western garrisons for money and horses ; but as he was 
not furnished with a passport, these wt-re denied him till 
the pleasure of the secretary of war was known on the 
subject. This was soon obtained, and it proved unfavour- 
Uible. The chief then made a long speech on the import- 
ance of his mission, and concluded in this manner : " If I 
" could only see my great father, and obtain from him one 
" word declaratory of justice to my nation, it would be 
" like the beams of the sun breakiug through a cloud af- 
" ter a storm." Classic erudition, connot invent a more ap- 
posite and sublime sentence than this. The speeches, in- 
deed, of all the Indian orators are generally full of shining 



OF TIIE ABORIGINE S. 4 J. 3 

passages, which would have been applauded in the asseua 
blies of Greece and Home. 

There is a wide difference in the sounds of the Indian 
languages. Some, as spoken by the tribes on both sides 
the Mississippi are full of guttural sounds ; others are 
pregnant with a disgusting monotony. Some are harmo- 
ny to the ear, while others are dissonant, and extremely 
disagreeable. The Huron language is said to have copi- 
ousness, energy, and sublimity ; that of the Algonquins 
to have sweetness and elegance ; and that of the Scioux, 
though harsh, to be very expressive. These are unques- 
tionably radical languages. The two first are spoken a- 
bout the upper lakes, and extend to the western ocean. 
The latter is prevalent between the Mississippi and Mis- 
souri, and has been traced westward to the rocky or shin- 
ing mountains. 

That the Indians were once much more numerous than 
at present, will not admit of a doubt; and it seems hard- 
ly credible, that the destruction occasioned by wars a- 
mong themselves, and v/ith the whites, though very great, 
should have made such a wonderful reduction in their 
number. Henuipin says, that when he first visited the 
Mississippi, (in 1680) the Osages had seventeen villages; 
that the Panimahas (probably the Mahas, at this time a- 
bout nine hundred miles up the Missouri) had twenty two 
villages, the least of which contained two hundred cotta- 
ges. If these numbers be correct, they must have con- ^ 
tained about ninety thousand souls ! This nation is now 
reduced to less than fifteen hundred. Many other nati- 
ons were equally numerous, particularly the Panaossas, 
Panelogas, Matotantes, and Panas. The three first na- 
tions are unknown at this time, at least by the names giv- 
en them by the early writers. Marquette states that (in 
1674) the Chuoanous lived on the river Ouabouskigou 
(the Kaskaskias) in eighty eight villages. If he means 
the nation at this time known by the name of the Kaskas- 



434. SKETCHES Oh LOUISIANA. 

kias, u'liich was very powerful when the French first set- 
tled in the country, it is now reduced to about sixty per- 
sons. Many other powerful nations, who nhabited the 
west bank of the Mississippi, have either become extinct, 
or now exist in some of the more interior regions. The 
Arkansas have endeavored to maintain their ground ; bui 
from a numerous nation they are now reduced to a few 
in number, and have exchanged their proud martial spirii 
for the most contemptible pusillanimity. War and ardent 
spirits have wasted the population of our continent. 

When and by whom America was first peopled, has 
perplexed the learned for several centuries. Conjecture, 
in part, must supply the place of historical facts ; and by 
a comparison of circumstances, and from the dim lights 
emitted by tradition, we must approach as near the truth 
as possible. That the Indians have different origins, is 
pretty evident from the dissimilarity of their features, 
language, and customs. Perhaps on enquiry it may be 
found probable, that we are indebted to all the other con- 
tinents for our population. 

It is remarked by travellers and voyagers, that the in- 
habitants of all the islands in the oriental seas, however 
widely dispersed, have a greater affinity with each other, 
than with the people of the continent, in their manners, 
customs, language, and features. Columbus found the 
the natives of all the West India islands to resemble each 
other in the same particulars, except that each island had 
a language of its own. The same cannot be said of the 
Indians on the continent ; the difference between them, 
and those of the islands, is very considerable, but not 
greater than that among themselves. The inference is, 
that their intercourse with the other continents, and the 
jslandswe have mentioned, ceased at such a remote pe- 
riod as to give them the appearance of a distinct people. 

The nations of Europe, in the days of Julius Cesar, 
'■r-'^cmbled our Indians in many particulars, perhaps even 



dp THE ABOlllGINES. 4J5 

?n their Qolor. They had the same confused notions of 
religion; they painted their bodies ; the pursuit of game 
•^vas their chief active employment ; their modes of war, 
their civil regulations, their customs and manners, were 
similar in most respects to those of the aborigines of A- 
merica. The conquests made by the Romans, though 
prolific of blood, served to introduce the arts and sciences, 
and to extend and to embellish the sociabilities of life. 
Even at this day, the Tartars and Russians, the progeny 
of the ancient Scythians, and other northern nations, can- 
not well be distinguished from some American tribes. 
They exhibit the same modes of life. They are divided 
into tribes or clans, under innumerable petty chiefs; their 
civil polity, and their warfare, bespeak a very great re- 
semblance to those traits manifested on our borders. 
From these several agreements, it is reasonable to con- 
clude, that the relationship between the inhabitants of the 
old and new world, is much less problematical, and in- 
deed much nearer than some have conceived. 

It is well known that several of the ancients circurhna- 
vigated Africa. It is even said that a colony of Phenici- 
ans passed into Ireland. Certain it is, that they built 
Cornwall in England, and Gadez, or Cadiz in Spain, 
where they carried on a considerable commerce in tin, 
and other articles. The Carthaginians discovered the Ca- 
nary Islands. In the time of Plutarch the Fortunate Is- 
lands were inhabited, and much celebrated for their fer- 
tility. When Columbus first visited Guadaloupe, and 
aome other islands in the West Indies, at that time unin- 
habited, he found the ruins of buildings, and the frag- 
ments of ships. The Egyptians and Phenicians were 
the first to make discoveries by sea. The Persians be- 
fore the days of Alexander, on the authority of Herodo- 
tus, fitted out vessels, which navigated the river Indus, 
and even passed into the Red Sea. It is highly prob'^.ble, 
therefore, that, in a course of ages, some of the Egyp- 



.^36 SKETCHES OF LOtJlSIANA. 

tian or Phenician vessels, were driven among the islands 
by the trade wuids, which begin a litde to the southward 
of the straits, and continue for at least nine months in 
the year. Most likely the vessels in those days, were not 
calculated for adverse winds, the mariners little skilled 
in the art of navigation, and perhaps still less acquainted 
with the nature and duration of the trade winds. If any 
of them were driven westward, they never returned; and 
that this actuTjUy happened in the course of time, is much 
morc^ than probable. It is natural to conclude, that they 
first landed on s'-m" of the islands ; and if they after- 
wards committed themselves to the waves, perhaps to pass 
from one island to another, the same winds necessarily 
forced them on our continent. In some of the first voy- 
ages of the Spaniards, a small colony of negroes was 
found in the gulf of Darien. No doubt these Africans 
arrived there in small craft ; and this is as credible as the 
voyages made by the Indians in the tropical seas, as men- 
tioned by Cook and other navigators. 

The aborigines of America unquestionably derive their 
origin fi'omsome other country, and the claims on this point 
of the other three quarters of the world are nearly equal. 
Perhaps in early time the four continents were much nearer 
to each other than at present, but have since been more 
widely separated by some violent shock of nature, or by 
the evulsion of the winds and tides. 

It may be proper to add here, that many of the Indi- 
ans practise the rites and ceremonies of the ancient Jews. 
Some of them observe the feasts of the first fruits, regu- 
larly perform ablution, and occasionally separate seven 
days from thtir women. When Magehan first discovered 
the southern extremity of this continent, the Indians in 
that quarter made the sign of the cross at their meals, 
and on other occasions. Cortez remarked the same thing 
among the Mexicans when he seized on their empire. 
These traits, however, if they actually existed, werQ 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 4-;- 

probably accidental, and no inference of weight can be 
drawn from them. 

That a colony from Wales arrived in this country in 
1170, is much more than probable: But this subject re- 
quires a copious detail, and must be reserved for a sepa- 
rate chapter. 

Many of the Indians have a confused notion of their 
origin ; though in the course of ages their traditional ac- 
counts have become obscured, and in most instances un- 
intelligible. The Delawares have kept a register of the 
time since they first established themselves on the river 
of their name, and it amounts to upwards of four hun- 
dred years. This was done by putting a bead of wam- 
pum on a string, kept for the purpose, every year since 
that period ; a circumstance to prove, that the Indians 
have the means of computing time, and of preserving 
the memory of events. The keeper of the Natchez tem- 
ple was once asked, whether his nation was originally of 
the country it then inhabited ? His reply was, that the 
Natchez once lived to the westward, when warriors of 
lire came among them from towards the rising sun, in 
floating villages, which caused the earth to tremble ; that 
they were bearded white men, who carried arms that 
darted out fire with a great noise, and killed at a great 
distance. When questioned relative to the origin of the 
Natchez, he again replied, that their ancient speech did not 
point out the country, but that their fathers followed the 
sun, and came with him from the place where he now ri- 
ses; that they were a longtime on their journey, and suf- 
fered extreme hardships; -and that they were brought 
into the country without their seeking It; 

This clearly favours the idea, that they were'of foreign 
origin. The Phenicians planted colonies on the coast of 
Africa, and were almost the only adventurers in early 
times, who passed the pillars of Hercules. They, and 
the Natchez, resembled each other in many respects. 



4,38 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Both worshipped the eternal fire ; the custom of scalping 
their enemies was common to both ; and the language of 
the Natchez, says Du Pratz, contained many figurative 
^nd bold Synac expressions. There is also a passage in 
Diodorus Siculus, which is quoted by authors to prove 
that America was originally peopled from Africa ; and it 
is thus translated. 

" To the west of Africa is situated a very large island, 
** and distant many days sail from that part of our c mti- 
" nent. Its fertile soil is partly plain and partly moun- 
" tainous. The plain country is sweet and pleasant, wa- 
*' tered every where with rivulets, and navigable rivers ; 
" it is beautified with many gardens, planted with all kinds 
" of trees, and the orchards are watered with many 
" streams. The villages are adorned with houses built 
*' in a magificent style, with parterres, ornamented with 
*' arbors, and covered with flowers. To these the inha- 
*' bitants retire during the summer to enjoy the fruits, 
" furnished by the country in great abundance. The 
" mountainous part is covered with large woods, and 
*' with a variety of fruit trees ; the vallies are watered 
*' with rivulets, where the inhabitants find every thing 
" calculated to render life agreeable. In a word, the 
*' whole island, by its fertility, and the abundance of its 
" springs, furnishes the inhabitants with every thing ca- 
" pable of flattering their wishes, and of contributing to 
*' their health, and strength of body. By huntmg they 
" supply themselves with an infinite number of animals ; 
" so that in their feasts they have nothing to wish for, in 
V regard e-ither to plenty or deUcacy. Besides, the sea, 
" which surrounds the island, supplies them plentifully 
" with all kinds of fish, and indeed the sea in general is 
" very abundant. The air of the island is so temperate, 
" that the trees bear leaves and fruit almost the whole 
" year round. In a word, this island is so delicious, tlpr.?. 
" it seenc^^ rather the abode of gods than of nien. 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 439 

" Anciently, on account of its remote situation, it was 
" altogether unknown ; but it was eventually discovered 
" by accident. It is well known, that, from the earliest 
*' ages, the Phenicians undertook long voyages in order 
" to extend their commerce, and that, in consequence of 
" these voyages, they established several colonies in Af- 
" rica and the western parts of Europe. Every thing 
" succeeded to their wish ; and, as they soon became 
" powerful, they passed the pillars of Hercules, and en- 
" tered the ocean. In the neighborhood of these pillars, 
" and on a peninsula in Spain, they built a town, which 
" they called Gadez. There, among the buildings proper 
'* for the place, they erected a temple to Hercules, to 
" whom they instituted splendid sacrifices, after the man- 
" ner of their country. This temple is held in great ve- 
" Deration at this day, and several Romans, who have 
" rendered themselves illustrious by their exploits, have 
*' performed their vows to Hercules for the success of 
*'^ their enterprises. 

" After the Phenecians had passed the straits of Spain, 
" they sailed along Africa, when, by the violence of the 
*' winds, they were driven out to sea, and the storm con- 
*' tinuing several days, they were at length thrown on this 
V island. They were the first who became acquainted 
" with its fertility and beauty, and therefore published 
" them to other nations. The Tuscans, when they were 
*' masters of the sea, designed to settle a colony on this 
*' island ; but the Carthaginians found means to frustrate 
'.' their object. In this they were influenced by two mo- 
" tives. The first was, they were fearful that their citl- 
*' zens, tempted by the charms of the island, would pass 
" over to it, and thereby weaken their own country. 
" The second was, they considered it a secure asy- 
" lum, for themselves, if ever their republic should expc- 
*' rience anv terrible disaster." 



440 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

Thus much of Diodoras Siculus, the Greek historian. 
He was contemporary with Julius Cesar, and flourished a- 
bout sixty years before the christian era. If he had not 
said, that the place in question was surrounded by the sea^ 
we should be tempted to conclude, that it was on some 
part of our continent, because it contained navigable ri- 
vers. The vessels of the ancients, however, cannot be 
supposed to have much exceeded in size some of our mo- 
dern row boats. 

Hanno mentions an island by the name of Cerne^ situ- 
ated to the west of Africa, on which he built a fort, and 
established a colony. It was the depot of the Carthagi- 
nians on the south of Africa. The situation of this island 
is not ascertained by ancient writers, nor is it known how 
long the Carthaginians maintained themselves on it. Whe- 
ther this is the island described by Diodorus Siculus, may 
admit of question. It may be proper to remark, that the 
Carthaginians were of Phenician origin. 

It is said and believed by many, that our western regi- 
ons were once inhabited by a more civilized people than 
the present aborigines ; and as an argument in favor of it, 
they ask, how is it possible for illiterate savages to con- 
struct fortifications on strict mathematical principles ? It 
must be admitted that the old fortifications in the western 
country, where they can be sufficiently traced and identi- 
fied, manifest in their angles and other particulars, a con- 
siderable degree of skill and precision. Many of them 
have regular bastions, and are constructed according to 
the rules of art. The figures or plans of the works are 
various ; but in whatever shape they appear, they are al- 
ways suited to the nature of the ground, and calculated 
for the best defence. Are they not the remains of the 
"Welsh, who are said to have passed into America more 
than three hundred years before the days of Columbus ? 
They serve at least, to illustrate and to countenance that 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 441 

idea. The fortifications successively erected in England 
and Wales, by the Romans, Saxons, Danes, and Nor- 
mans, must have been familiar to the Welsh in 1 1 70, and 
if they ever landed on our shores, the science of attack 
and defence, was probably the last to escape their remem- 
brance : Their situation doubtless exposed them to war, 
and frequent practice enabled them to preserve for a long 
time, the arts of it. They must likewise have retained 
the science of building for a considerable time ; perhaps 
this was never lost till after the conquest of Mexico by 
the Spaniards. What the Welsh were in the twelfth cen- 
tury, the Mexicans were in the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries; and' these circumstances, together with some 
others soon to be mentioned, seem to support the conclu- 
sion attempted to be drawn in the next chapter. 

AVhen Columbus visited Cuba, he was surprised to 
find a wall of stone, which displayed skill and durability: 
In 1517, Valasquez landed on the continent, within the 
dominions of Montezuma, and was delighted with the 
traits of civilization found among the natives. They had 
made considerable progress in the useful arts ; they lived 
in houses of stone, and their structure manifested skill 
and design. This indeed was the case in all the provin- 
ces under the jurisdiction of the Mexican monarch. The 
same was observed by the Spaniards when they entered 
the city of Mexico ; the natives were rempte from bar^ 
barism ; they were refined in their manners, intelligent, 
and in some degree learned. Like the ancient Egypti- 
ans, they knew with precision the annual revolution of 
the sun ; They fixed the year at three hundred and sixty 
five days, nearly, and divided it into eighteen parts. 
Their constitution was founded on the broad basis of re- 
ligion and law. Their cities displayed magnificence in 
architecture, and opulence in their decorations. The pa- 
lace of Montezuma had thirty gates, which communica- 



442 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

ted with as many streets. The front was composed ol" 
red, black, and white jasper, beautifully polished; and 
in a large shield over the gate were represented the arms 
of Montezuma, " AGri^nxvith expanded wings ^ holding 
" a Tijger it), its talons /" 

That an aboriginal king or chief, should have a regular 
coat of arms, appears rather singular; and it must be 
left to the learned to determine the origin of the one just 
mentioned. It may be proper, however, to remark, that 
coats of arms were used by the great in the early times 
of Europe, and that they, as well as crosses, served for 
signatures before writing became prevalent. There is the 
more ground to believe, that the one of Montezuma was 
of European origin, as the Mexicans reported, and the 
report was confirmed by him, that their rulers were des- 
cended from a strange nation, which came among them 
from a distant country. 

M. de Guignes is of opinion, that the Chinese in the 
seventh century extended their trafic to the north west 
coast of America, particularly as the promontory ofKam- 
skatka, under the name of Ta-Shan, is mentioned in 
their books of travels. It is also said that California was 
known to them, because the Spaniards, when they first 
visited that part of the country, found the wrecks of Chi- 
nese vessels on various parts of the coast. 

And Barrow says, that the natives of Brazil resemble 
the Chinese in their features, particularly in the confor- 
mation of the eye. The natives of Chili have a tradi- 
tion among them, that some of their ancestors came from 
the west, perhaps from the south of Asia , and there are 
those v/ho perceive evident traces of Maylayan and other 
Asiatic dialects, among them, as v»'( U as among the inha- 
bitants of the islands in the Indian and Pacific oceans. One 
author has discovered upwards of twenty greek and latin 
Words in the Auraucanjan language, v/hich is common to 
Chili. 



OF THE AT^ORIGTNES. 44.3 

It is admitted that Greenland was settled as early as 
9S2, some say by the Norwegians; others by a colonj 
from Irehind or England, as they were christians, and 
had among them some Irish books, bells and crosiers, 
Greenland is separated from America by a narrow strait 
only, nor is it certainly known that any such separation 
exists. 

The north of Asia and America are divided by a strait 
of about forty miles in breadth ; and the Indians in that 
quarter have a tradition among them, that, about two 
hundred years ago, this strait was much less dilitated than 
at present, and that the natives at low tides, vrsrt able to 
walk from one continent to the other. 

It is now well knov/n, that a chain of islands extends 
along the intermediate tract, over the Atlantic, between 
the coasts of Brazil and Africa, a distance of about fif- 
teen hundred miles ; and that another chain extends from 
some other parts of South America, across the ocean, 
to southern Asia. These islands are mostly inhabited ; 
and who will venture to say, that they were not in former 
time much larger, and more numerous, than at present ? 
Who is ready to pronounce, that an easy communication 
did not once exist between them and the continents ? And 
lastly, who will deny the probability, that in ancient time 
the four continents were less divided from each other 
than they now appear to be ? 

It is therefore likely, that America derived its popula- 
tion from various sources; partly from the north and 
south of Asia ; partly from Africa ; and partly from the 
north, and perhaps from soaie other regions of Europe 
The features, niannei's, and customs of the Indians, seem 
to resemble in many respects, those displayed on the other 
continents, the most contiguous to them ; and certain it is, 
that they have several primitive languages among them.* 
The Esquimaux and Greenlanders, exhibit the features 

•Inca, among man}' tribes in Louisiana, is the word fop father or chief. 
3 L 



444 is KETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

and manners of the Laplanders of Europe, and the Sa- 
moides of Asia. Many animals are likewise common to 
America and Asia j the buffaloe of the former is the bi- 
son of the latter. 

The exertions formerly made to civilize and christian- 
ize the Indians, produced no good effects. This was 
more owing to the wrong methods pursued, than to the 
imtractable dispositions of the natives. The first settlers 
of New England, made great efforts to propagate their 
religion among the Indians ; but they labored in vain. 
When Dartmouth college was founded bv royal charter, 
in 1769, provision v/as made for the education and in- 
struction of Indian youth. Several have been admitted to 
that seminary ; but the moment they were liberated from 
it, they assumed the mode of living practised by their 
nations or tribes; and the knowledge they obtained served 
only to give them a keener relish for vice, and to enable 
them the more readily to invent ingenious expedients to 
gratify their propensities. In former times the French 
missionaries in Canada, and along the Mississippi, ob- 
tained and preserved an influence over the Indians, and 
persuaded many of them to embrace the catholic religi- 
on. The only permanent effect these missions had, was 
to reconcile the Indians to thr French. In other respects 
they were more vicious and dishonest than those less ac- 
quainted with religion and civilization. Even to this day 
the French have an almost unbounded influence over 
them. The Indians still remember and speak of the old 
French government in Louisiana, and manifest a strong 
attachment to it. The French have been less at war wjth 
them, than either the English or Spaniards. Their mode 
of life, the long intercourse, and many intermarriages 
between them, have established a reciprocal friendship, 
and they consider each other as brethren. The house of 
a Frenchman is always open to an Indian, and they are 
ever ready to supply the wants of each other. 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 445 

There is a striking difference between those Indians, 
who live in the neighborhood of the whites, and those 
who reside at a distance from them. The former, espe- 
cially if accustomed to a long intercourse, have wonder- 
fully degenerated. They have gradually imbibed all the 
vices of the whites, and forgotten their own virtues. 
They are drunkards and thieves, and act on all occasions 
with the most consummate duplicity. The traders and o- 
thers, who are obliged to visit them, and to reside among 
them, never feel themselves safe, though they take the 
precaution to have their stores and dwellings strongly 
stockaded. 

Traders are obliged to credit out their goods among 
them in winter, and wait till spring for their pay. It is 
usual for one or two chiefs to become responsible for the 
payment ; but notwithstanding this, particularly in seasons 
unfavorable for the acquisition of skins and furs, many 
of the Indians cannot discharge their debts ; others re- 
fuse to make any payment at all. Nothing so much of- 
fends an Indian as to be requested to pay his old debts. 
*' If, says he, I deliver you my peltrifs to pay for the 
" goods I received last season, my family must suffer, and 
" perhaps starve." 

The Indians who live at a distance from the whites, 
yield to the same principle, and for the same reason ; but 
in other respects, they generally conduct themselves up- 
rightly. If by accident any property of a stranger falls 
into their hands, they preserve it with the greatest care, 
and when an opportunity offers, readily restore it to the 
owner. Among them we discover the genuine simplici- 
ty of nature. Their countenances are noble, indicative 
of health, cheerfulness, hospitality, and friendship. When 
a white, especially one of note, arrives in their towns, he 
is received with marked attention. He is bidden welcome 
to every cabin, and each is emulous to have him for a 
gues^ though in this particular the principal chief gene- 



446 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

rally claims a priority of right. These Indians are large, 
and infinitely more active than those in the neighborhood 
of the whites. When employed on any particular busi- 
ness, they seldom prove treacherous ; and to serve their 
employer they will encounter the greatest hardships. 
Their manners are simple, modest, and inoffensive ; though 
when abused, and awakened to anger, they are not readi- 
ly appeased. 

As most of them believe in the existence of a supreme 
being, they easily comprehend the nature of an oath, 
some of the Missouri Indians when called to testify, sxuear 
by the great spirit above^ and by the earth beneath. They 
are obstinately attached to their own religious opinions ; 
and to depart from them would, in their view, trouble the 
repose of their f^uhers. In 1804, a pious christian in Phi- 
ladelphia presented a large bible to a Missouri chief, and 
told him, that it contained the only true religion. The 
chief made him this acknowledgment: "Brother, I ac- 
*' cept of your book, because you offer it to me, and because 
" the pictures in it will please my children and people^ 
" But I cannot promise to utter your words to them, or to 
" explain to them your religion. We have a very good 
*' religion already, which our fathers handed down to us. 
" We all believe in it, and it makes us happy and united. 
*' Now, were I to explain your religion to my people, per- 
"■' haps some might be so foolish as to embrace it, which 
" would create disputes and quarrels. Now a religion, 
*' which produces quarrels, and makes men unhappy, can- 
''' not be a good religion." — ^This is the language of na- 
ture ; and were it adopted as a substitute for the fiery zeal 
of enthusiasts, perhaps mankind would be less disposed to 
disturb the peace of each other. 

Few of the interior nations have any knowledge of ar- 
dent spirits, and it is not for the interest of the traders to 
carry any among them. In 1804, when a party of them 
was at St. J^Quis, one of them, on a visit among his ac- 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 44.7 

quaiDtance about the town, was persuaded to drink some 
spirits, which intoxicated him. On his return to his com 
panions, he was supposed to be in a fit of madness, and 
therefore was seized, and tied fast to the ground all night : 
The next day, when the cause of his madness was known, 
the chief made a serious complaint to the civil authorit5% 
and demanded, that he who had misbehaved to one of his 
people should be punished. We are informed by Ulloa, 
that formerly inebriating liquors were carried among the 
Indians in Chili, which rendered them lazy and debauch- 
ed, and precipitated them into crimes. This practice was 
finally abolished by the government ; so that the Indians 
soon resumed their former habits of honesty, sobriety, and 
industry. A trader now is seldom defrauded ; though he 
suddenly distributes all his goods among them in propor- 
tion to their wants, and means of payment ; then gives them 
notice of the time of his intended departure, which seldom 
exceeds ten days, when all of them cheerfully cancel their 
debts agreeably to contract. 

To judge from the past, we may safely pronounce, that 
all attempts to civilize and christianize the Indians on the 
principles formerly established, are illusive, and pregnant 
with evil. Instead of changing their moral or metaphysi- 
cal sentiments and prejudices, we must change their occu- 
pations and modes of life, and then the end we have in 
view will result of course. But this important change, 
however desirable, can extend only to those nations, who 
are contiguous to the whites, and who can no longer sub- 
sist by the chase. They are better able to feel than to rea- 
son, and many of them already experience the want of 
game. If by this experience they can be made fully sen- 
sible of their wants, no doubt their attention will be drawn 
to agriculture and household manufactures, their natures 
in a manner changed, and their dispositions deprived of 
their ferocious qualities. The remains of the ancient In- 
dians in some of our populous states, may be adduced in 



448 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

support of this declaration. Although they are incorrigi- 
ble drunkards, yet they live in harnt)ony among themselves, 
and with the whites, and their savage natures have long 
since left them. Nearly a century ago the Jesuits obtain- 
ed permission to christianize the Indians in Paraguay, in- 
dependent of the civil power, and no Spaniard or other 
white man was allowed to visit them without the consent 
of the fathers. The great object of these spiritual leaders 
was to change the occupations of the Indians, and to make 
them acquainted with agriculture, and the amenities of 
social life. They at first gathered into one place about 
fifty families ; accessions were gradually made to their 
empire, and in the end, the amaging number of three hun- 
dred and forty thousand families were collected :nto towns 
and cities ! The policy of the fathers was of a masterly 
kind. They unfolded to the Indians some of the plainest 
precepts of religion and morality ; such indeed, and such 
only, as were of a practical nature, and easily comprehen- 
ded. They explained to them the benefits of agriculture, 
manufactures, and an interior commerce. This vast num- 
ber of Indians in a short time resembled the Europeans 
in their dress and pursuits, and many of them aspired to 
the elegant arts. The fathers infused a military spirit a- 
inong them ; they made thtm acquainted with the modern 
art of war, rendered them obedient to their officers, and 
subdued them to strict discipline. By these means an ar- 
my of sixty thousand men was formed, armed after the 
European manner ; and it more than once proved the sal- 
vation of the Spanish provinces in the south. 

What these Jesuits actually accomplished in Paraguay, 
our government has attempted in part in the United States ; 
and it is expected, that success will result from the mea- 
sures in operation. The Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws, 
Chickasaws, and some other nations within our juris- 
diction, have already resorted to agriculture, and to the 
manufacture of many indispensable articles. Some of 



OF TIIE ABORIGINES. 449 

them have deserted their towns, planted themselves along 
the public roads, procured slaves, and turned their atten- 
tion to the tillage of their fields, and the other usual oc- 
cupations of hU(Sbandmen, Game is scarce among them ; 
and they reflect with surprise on the little labor necessary 
to secure them from want, and even to increase their 
wealth : When they followed the chase, their subsistence 
was precarious, and this alone consisted of wild meat. 
They now raise poultry, corn, and garden vegetables in a- 
bundance. They also raise plenty of cattle and swine ; so 
that many of them are real farmers, and seldom resort to 
the chase, except to supply themselves occasionally with 
skins for family use. Travellers find good entertainment 
among them ; much better indeed than among the whites 
on the frontiers. 

This change of life has a tendency to wipe away their 
savage manners, to restore them to the dignity of human 
nature, and to make them useful to themselves, and to the 
world. But this change, to be complete and permanent, 
must be -gradual ; it must be the effect of a steady policy. 
The Indians resemble children at school, whose manners 
must be formed before they can be graceful ; they must 
become acquainted with language before they can under- 
stand the force of it ; with the rudiments of science before 
they can attain to science itself. 

The United States, however, will never fully realize 
their expectations, unless they review their present sys- 
tem of Indian intercourse, and provide some new reme- 
dies for the evils incident to it. The importance of the 
subject will authorize the cursory remarks we are about 
to make. 

We certainly have it in view to improve the condition 
of the Indians ; not simply from motives of charity and 
friendship to them, but from motives of security to our- 
selves ; by obtaining a control over them, and rendering 
them dependant, we lessen the prospects of war. Other 



450 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

important advantages would result from it, and we ara 
urged by many public considerations to extend and per- 
fect the system we have adopted. The greatest obstacle 
to our success arises from the intercourse, which subsists 
and is carried on between the Indians, and the English 
and Spaniards ; and until this be removed, the success of 
our exertions will be, in a great degree, partial and limit- 
ed. Foreign traders of this description introduce them- 
selves into our territory on the Mississippi, Missouri, and 
Red river; and perhaps it will be found on examination, 
that their trade may be greatly restricted, if not wholly 
interdicted. 

The English of Canada visit the Indians about the 
source of the Mississippi, and also those high up on the 
Missouri, by means of lake Superior, and the waters con- 
nected with it. Perhaps it is not in our power wholly to 
prevent this intercourse ; and indeed it is of the less im- 
portance, as the Indians with whom the English carry 
on a trade in those quarters, are too remote from our 
settlements to have any immediate or permanent con- 
nexion with us, or to afford us any trouble, except what 
results from the murders and depredations committed on 
our mercantile adventurers. The English likewise trafic 
on the Mississippi, and its tributary streams, below the 
falls of St. Anthony ; and also on the Missouri, about the 
river Platte ; and in the trade carried on at these two 
pointe, the United State? are deeply interested. If they 
have a right to trade with the Indians in our territory on 
the east side of the Mississippi, and even to navigate that 
river, thev cannot on any just pretence extend that trade 
to the Indians of Louisiana. The United States v.'ill find 
it necessary to prohibit this trade, and happily they pos- 
sess the means of doing it with effect. 

The Canadian tradcns, who visit this part of the Mis- 
sissippi, are obligtd to pass over lake Michigan. This 
lake affords only two communications with that rivei-. 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 451 

One of them is down the Illinois ; but the- most eligible one, 
and thatmost generally used, is by way of the Ouisconsing. 
The first joins the Mississippi about eighteen miles above 
the mouth of the Missouri, and the second about five hun- 
dred and eighty two miles still higher up. Each of these 
communications is obstructed by a short portage, except 
in the wet season, when the waters of lake Michigan min- 
gle with those of the Illinois by means of the Chicago, at 
the mouth of which we have a garrison. The portage be- 
tween the Ouisconsing, and Fox river, which flows into 
lake Michigan, is three miles. 

These traders, in passing from lake Michigan, seldom 
descend the Illinois ; because almost the only Indians be- 
low the Ouisconsing, and indeed below the falls of St. An- 
thony, are the loways, Sivcs, and Foxes, who live on and 
near the river Des inoins^ in the neighborhood of whom we 
have lately established a factory and garrison. They will, 
therefore communicate with the Mississippi by way of the 
Ouisconsing, near the mouth of which they many years 
ago erected a small village called Prairie des Chiens, where 
they rendezvous at certain seasons, despatch thtir merch- 
andize in various directions, but mostly up the river St. 
Pierre, and where also they ultimately receive the returns 
of them. The Sacs and Foxes ceded to the United States 
in 1804, a tract of land opposite to the mouth of the Ouis- 
consing, and on the right bank of the Mississippi, under 
an expectation, that a garrison and factory would be erect- 
ed on it. This and Prairie des Chiens afford admirable 
sites for establishments of this nature ; but neither of them 
would be fully sufficient to turn the current of trade, so 
long as the English are permitted to navigate the Missis- 
sippi. They would enter the river St. Pierre, the mnuth 
of which is just below the falls of St. Anthony, in about 
forty four degrees north latitude, on whose banks are ma- 
ny bands of Indian^-, particularly the Naudowessies, and 
some others of the Scioux nation, whose trade is consider- 
3m 



45:2 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

able. Some parts of the St. Pierre approach the waters 
of the Missouri ; so that the English traders transport 
their goods to the latter with expedition and ease. An 
establishment, therefore, at the mouth of the St. Pierre 
would effectually destroy the English trade in this quar- 
ter: If foreign traders were excluded from that river, they 
would find it for their interest to abandon the country ; be- 
cause this affords the only communication with the Indi- 
ans of Louisiana, inhabiting the country between St. Lou- 
is and the falls of St. Anthony, except the Missouri and 
river Des mo'ms ; and these are already sufficiently guar- 
ded. The mouth of the St. Pierre is about eight hun- 
dred and eighty five miles above the confluence of the 
Missouri and Mississippi, where the United States already 
own a considerable tract of land, which was voluntarily 
given them by the Indians. 

The plan, however, just suggested, is attended with one 
difficulty, which is not easily surmounted. Many of those 
whom we denominate English traders, are invested with 
the rights and privileges of citizens of the United States, 
either by virtue of the treaty of 1783, or by subsequent 
naturalization. The merchants of Canada, to remove eve- 
ry obstacle to their intercourse with the Indians on the 
Mississippi, either formed connections, many years ago, 
with some of our citizens, or sent their clerks and others, 
in whom they could confide, to reside at Michilimakinak, 
within our jurisdiction. These are the English traders, 
of whom we speak ; and the trade they carry on is osten- 
sibly for themselves, though the interest they have in it, 
is really no other than that of agents or partners. At any 
rate, they derive all their supplies from English subjects, 
who are supposed, and not without foundation, to be almost 
exclusively benefited by their labor and enterprise. The 
duties paid at our custom-house on the Indian goods im- 
ported from Canada are of no value, when compared v/ith 
the evils inflicted by this meretricious commerce. Tak- 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 453 

hig into view the preceding circumstances, perhaps the 
only way to counteract or destroy it on the Mississippi, is 
to prohibit the importation of merchandize from the Brit- 
ish provinces. This would probably inflict a temporary 
injury on some of our legitimate traders, particularly as 
they find it convenient to purchase their goods in Canada, 
where also they find the most ready and profitable market 
for their peltries. But as long as this intercourse is per- 
mitted, we have reason to conclude, that our views rela- 
tive to the Indians will in a great measure be frustrated. 
Another conclusion is evident, that any competition in the 
Indian trade, either by our citizens, or by the United 
States, while they have the English for their competitors, 
cannot fail to terminate to their disadvantage : Yet a gar- 
rison and factory at the mouth of the St. Pierre, even if 
the Canadian trade was not prohibited on that river, would 
be of great public utility; because, in addition to the sup- 
plies we should be able to furnish the Indians, such an es- 
tablishment would serve to restrain their depi'edations, 
and to render the intercourse of foreigners less pernici- 
ous.* 

The English traders not only traffic with the Indians a- 
bout the shining mountains, but they have extended it to 
the Mandans on the Missouri, and to several other tribes 
both above and below them. The Spaniards also from 
Santa F6 occasionally traffic with the Indians about the 



* The Sacs, Foxes, and lowas, have recently turned much of their 
attention to the manufacture of lead. In 1810 they procured fourhun- 
dred thousand pounds of this article, which they exchanged for goods 
at our factories, or sold to our traders. The lead mines above them 
in the vicinity of the Scioux, and other tribes, are equally abundant. 
The manufacture of lead will probably become general among them, 
especially as they find it much more profitable than the chase. Such 
an occurrence would induce the Canadian traders to abandon the 
country; with tiicna, in a. commercial point of view, lead is of no im- 
portance. 



454 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

waters of the Kansas, as likewise with those on the river 
Platte. These, and some others between them and the 
Mandans, stand in need of supplies, and they are able to 
furnish in return a vast quantity of valuable skins and furs. 
It is believed by good judges, that their trade, if once se- 
cured, would be more productive than that of all the other 
Indians, with whom we are connected. This renders it 
probable, that we should be more than indemnified for the 
extraordinary expenses of an establishment in that quar- 
ter; and such indeed are the advantages to be justly ex- 
pected from it, that we ought to hazard the experiment. 

The mouth of the river Platte seems to be a central po- 
sition, both as to territory and Indian population ; and in 
other respects it affords an eligible place for a garrison 
and factory. This is about six hundred and thirty miles 
above the mouth of the Missouri, according to the course 
of the river, and in north latitude forty degrees fifty four 
minutes. The Indians in this quarter procure merchan- 
dize both from the English and Spaniards, and in some in- 
stances from our own traders. 

The garrison and factory recently established on the 
Missouri, is about three hundred and twenty five miles 
up that river, and just below the Kansas river. This 
establishment is too remote from the Indians on the river 
Platte to be of any material advantage to them ; yet it is 
calculated to accommodate the Osages, as also occasional 
hunting parties from the east side of the Mississippi, and 
in some measure to obstruct the Canadian trade by way of 
the river St. Pierre ; it is likewise of importance in seve- 
ral other points of view. 

It is apprehended, that the factory at Nachitoches on 
Red river is of little importance to the United States, 
both in a pecuniary point of view, and as it relates to the 
convenience of the Indians. No nation or tribe rendez- 
vous at that place, except the small band of Caddoques, 
and most of the peltries procured even by them are either 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 455 

disposed of to the upper settlers, or to the traders, who 
occasionrilly visit them. The Indians about the upper 
part of Red river, and between that and the Arkansas, find 
it convenient to carry their pehries to the Spanish settle- 
ments. Hence it happens, that the trade carried on by 
the factory at Nachitoches is almost wholly confined to 
straggling parties of Chickasaws and Choctaws, and to 
some parties belonging to nations or bands near the gulf 
in the Spanish province of Texas. An establishment 
made at such a distance from the Indian villages, and also 
from their hunting grounds, cannot be very profitable ; nor 
can it have any other tendency than to involve us in ex- 
pense, and to increase the depravity of the Indians. Even 
the rations issued to them at Nachitoches authorize a con- 
siderable deduction from whatever profits may accrue from 
their trade. These, and other considerations, warn us to 
assume a new position. 

All circumstances considered, perhaps the most eligible 
place for a garrison and factory is on the left bank ol Red 
river in about north latitude thirty three degrees, which 
forms the divisional line between the territories of Orleans 
and Louisiana. The only obstruction to the navigation ol 
the river is the great raft ; but in seasons of high water a 
good channel exists round it by means of bayous and 
lakes, connected with each other, and with the main 
stream ; and indeed it would require no great eflfort to 
remove such parts of the raft itself as at all times to af- 
ford a free communication. The Indians, who are now 
obliged to trade at Nachitoches, would be equally well, 
and perhaps better supplied at the proposed factory. In 
addition to this, thePawnes * and letans, and some other 
Indians high up on Red river, and to the south west of it, 
might also obtain supplies from us, and thereby be prc- 



• These are a different people from those of the same name on tl-.c 
river Platte. 



456 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

vailed on to break their connexion with the Spaniards. The 
Pawnes pursue no other game than the buffaloe, of which 
they kill an immense number. They, however, attend to 
agriculture, and raise more than double the quantity of 
corn and vegetables than is necessary for their own con- 
sumption, and furnish their neighbors with the surplus in 
exchange for peltries ; so that their trade, which is now- 
engrossed by the Spaniards, is deemed of considerable 
value. A very little exertion on our part would enable us 
to secure not only this, but nearly the whole of the Indian 
trade on and near Red river, particularly as we can af- 
ford greater supplies, and at a much cheaper rate, than 
any of our Spanish neighbors. The Indians would soon 
perceive the difference, and be induced to abandon their 
former connexions, and to shield themselves under the pro- 
tection of the United States. 

The preceding remarks are mostly predicated on the 
idea of profit. Other considerations of much greater 
weight urge us to fix our trading establishments, protect- 
ed by a competent number of troops, more in the vicinity 
of the Indian villages, and at a distance from our popula- 
tion. The custom of inviting the Indians to some of our 
large villages to receive their annuities, and to trade at our 
factories, is extremely pernicious to them, and detrimen- 
tal to the whites. While they remain among us, they are 
exposed to temptations, which they cannot resist. Their 
love of ardent spirits is well known ; and they will gratify 
this propensity at the expense of their present and future 
good. Unfortunately, many of our citizens contribute to 
their destruction, by an open evasion or violation of the 
laws. The scenes of intoxication witnessed in most of 
our frontier towns, furnish evidence of this melancholy 
truth. The Indians readily part with their goods, and e- 
ven with their ammunition, for ardent spirits. Their 
drunkenness terminates only with the means of it. They 
generally return to their homes without clothing for them- 



OF THE ADORIGINES. 45/ 

selves or families, and without the necessary supplies of 
powder and lead. The privations they suiFer in conse- 
quence of receiving their annuities and other goods in our 
settlements, are of a serious nature, and demand our in- 
terposition. Our citizens are often disturbed by their 
drunken revels, particularly those at Nachitoches, where 
the troops are frequently summoned to repress the riots 
and disorders occasioned by them. The only apparent re- 
medy to these evils, is to remove the causes of them, 
"Were our factories placed more immediately in the vici- 
nity of the Indians, or at least in positions less accessible 
to the whites, our trade would be more profitable, the In- 
dians more copiously supplied, their industry stimulated, 
and the avails of it more readily appropriated to the re- 
lief of themselves and families. This too would tend to 
facilitate the introduction of agriculture and manufactures 
among them, to excite their indifference to the English 
and Spaniards, and to make them friendly to the United 
States. No doubt the establishments recently made near 
the river Des tnoins, and on the Missouri, are parts of a 
comprehensive system, intended to afford security to our 
frontiers, and to improve the condition of the Indians. 
These objects will be attained with the less difficulty the 
further we extend our intercourse up Red river, the Mis- 
souri, and the Mississippi. 

The effects of such extended arrangements would be 
sensibly felt. A competition at this time exists between 
our own and the Canadian traders on the Mississippi. 
The latter, in conjunction with those of the Spaniards, 
also contest the Indian trade with us on some parts of the 
Missouri ; and the trade on lied river is almost exclusive- 
ly possessed by our Mexican neighbors. These com- 
petitions are unfavorable to us; and the consequences 
of our neglect and inattention will become more serious 
the longer we delay to provide against them. The inter- 
course now carried on by the English and Spaniards vath 



458 ^KETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the Indians in our territory if suffered to continue, will be- 
come more firmly fixed, frequent, and extensive. Their 
influence, even at this time, is so considerable as to ren- 
der the Indians unfriendly towards us: Oar traders are 
sometimes murdered ; often driven from their pursuits, 
and robbed of their property. If this influence be not 
counteracted, one effect will be, that numerous depreda- 
tions will be committed on our frontiers, at least on our 
mercantile adventurers, which are the usual precursors of 
Indian hostihty. A second effect will be, that we shall be 
wholly excluded from the upper parts of Red river, the 
Missouri, and the head waters of the Mississippi ; for 
if the English and Spaniards once obtain the power, they 
will unquestionably prevail on the Indians to forbid us the 
navigation of those rivers ; they have already made the 
attempt, and the Indians have been threatened with pun- 
ishment for their seeming hesitation. A third, and a 
much more important effect will be, that the English and 
Spaniards will raise pretensions to the country about the 
heads of our great rivers, and these will be powerfully 
supported by the auxiliary aids of the Indians. Should 
such a crisis ever occur, and such a crisis is extremely 
probable, it will be difficult, and perhaps impossible, for 
us to adjust, and to maintain our territorial rights, or to 
guard our extensive frontiers against the hostile and bloody 
incursions of our predatory neighbors. 

There is no position more true than this, that the In- 
dians will readily yield their exclusive friendship to those 
whose power they dread, and who supply them the most 
liberally with goods, and on the best terms. Another po- 
sition equally true is, that those who possess their friend- 
ship have it in their power to stimulate them to acts of 
aggression, or to give their dispositions and exertions any 
direction they please. This power, at present, is in some 
measure possessed by the English and Spaniards, and 
thev endeavor to exercise it in a manner the best suited 



OF THE ABORIGINES. 459 

to their Interests. The establishment of three or four ad- 
ditional garrisons and factories at the places we have men- 
tioned, would probably transfer the same power into the 
hands of the United States, and effectually extinguish the 
rivalship and competition already noticed. It would also 
enable us the more easily to maintain our territorial rights, 
not simply by the advantages of actual possession, but by 
the assistance of the Indians. Besides, such a power in 
our hands would serve to weaken the expectations of the 
En«;lish and Spaniards, and probably induce them to a- 
bandon their pretensions without a struggle. 

Other favorable consequences would result from such 
establishments. We should be able to introduce agricul- 
ture, and some of the household arts, among those Indi- 
ans the most destitute of game ; to make them ac<^iainted 
with new and more convenient modes of life, calculated 
to mitigate the evils of their condition, to soften their 
manners, and the ferocity of their minds. Establishments 
on any of the great rivers would probably draw after them 
a considerable population, which would ultimately contri- 
bute to their support, and in other respects prove benefi- 
cial to the public. The Spaniards already carry consider- 
able quantities of specie to Nachitoches, as also to the 
mouth of the river Platte on the Missouri, where they oc- 
casionally meet our traders, and exchange it with them for 
merchandize. Perhaps it would be good policy to encou- 
rage this traffic, particularly on the Missouri, and an es- 
tablishment in that quarter would be likely to favor it. 
Upper Louisiana is nearly destitute of a circulating me- 
dium, and a moderate influx of specie from Santa Fe 
would be of advantage to it. 

If, however, public factories among the more distant 
Indians be considered as drav/ing after- them considerable 
expense, without the prospect of an adequate remunera- 
tion, perhaps nearly the same ends may be answered by 
.instituting or tolerating trading companies. It would be 
3 N 



460 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 

impolitic for both to exist at the same time, in the same 
quarter ; because these would produce an unprofitable 
competition, and the latter would ultimately prevail. 
They would disperse their merchandize over a wide ex- 
tent of country, deposit it at all the Indian hunting 
camps, and by these means secure nearly all their trade. 
It would be better policy to encourage our traders to 
contend with those of Canada and the Spanish provin- 
ces, provided the latter be permitted to enter our terri- 
tory ; and were this trade carried on in the vicinity of 
cur garrisons, no doubt the former would triumph over 
their rivals. These garrisons would repress the pyratic 
depredations of the Indians, and sufficiently bridle the 
unfriendly designs of the English and Spanish traders. 

Grateful it is to the feelings of the philanthropist, and 
philosopher, to contemplate the improvements already 
made among the aborigines of our country, and to be- 
hold in prospect their final emancipation from the chains 
of ignorance and barbarity. The time, perhaps, is not 
remote, when this prospect will be realized ; when moral 
philosophy and the arts will find a habitation in our 
western regions ; when populous towns and cities will 
adorn the margins of our interior rivers and lakes ; and 
when man shall no longer be the enemy of man. 

The continued and augmented exertions of govern- 
ment will be necessary to assure these valuable effects. 
The vigorous and enlightened policy now in operation 
is calculated, if steadily pursued, to draw the attention 
of the Indians to the products of manual labor ; and in- 
deed this is the pivot on which rests ihe fate of our 
measures. To till the ground is odious to most of 
them. liabor of this kind imposes more restraint than 
is consistent with the turn of their minds. The 
French in early time took some of their children, 
and taught them the habits of industry; but no soon- 



OF THE ABORIGINES; 461 

cr were they able to discover a difference bctv\een 
their condition and that of their kindred, than they 
fled to the woods. The Tartars possess the same ideas 
of life. They conceive it a punishment to be confmed 
to any particular village or district, or to be obliged to 
labor in the field for their support. The?quantum of 
game among the Indians, who live in the vicinity of 
the whites, evidently decreases ; but this is not suffici- 
ent of itself to alter their modes of life. Ancient pre- 
judices and habits will still continue to govern them, un- 
less they be convinced, by proofs adapted to their senses, 
that a change would be productive of advantages. 

Many intelligent men are of opinion, that the gradual 
dimunition of game will precipitate our neighboring 
Indians to the wild regions of Louisiana. Two reasons 
may be urged against this opinion. In the first place, 
most of the hunting grounds on the west side of the 
Mississippi are claimed and occupied ; so that were our 
more eastern Indians to enter on them, it would be con- 
sidered as an act of aggression, and a war would proba- 
bly ensue. They have sufficient foresight to calculate 
on such a result, and this will induce them to be ex- 
tremely cautious in their movements. If such a move- 
ment be for the interest of the United States, it must 
be carried into effect under the auspices of the govern- 
ment. In the second place, the Indians are much more 
attached to their ancient districts and villages than is 
commonly supposed. Their veneration for the tombs 
of their fathers and friends, would induce them to suf- 
fer the greatest hardships rather than abandon these pre- 
cious and pious remains. It may also be added, that 
these Indians gradually incline to agriculture, and the 
longer they pursue it, the less disposed will they be to 
hazard a removal to unknown regions. 

It is difficult to relieve the Indians from two of the 
greatest scourges of the human race, war among them- 



462 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA. 

selves, and the use of ardent spirits. Perhaps these fatal 
propensities proceed less from their nature than from their 
peculiar situation. 

An opinion prevails among them, that a nation is res- 
pected in proportion to the bravery of its warriors. 
With them the art of war is cultivated and preserved 
by experiment only. The chiefs of some of the nations 
in Louisiana have often expressed their regret to the au- 
thor of these sketches, that their young men were arriv- 
ing at manhood, and had no knowledge of war, and 
that it was necessary, for their instruction, to provoke 
hostilities. They also assigned their want of qualified 
chiefs as another reason in favor of war. It is a maxim 
with them to raise those to the rank of chiefs, who have 
most distinguished themselves in the stratagems of the 
field, or procured the greatest number of scalps. Per- 
haps those, with whom we have an established intercourse 
are so much under our control, as to enable us to appease 
their occasional differenccjs. 

Wise and salutary measures are devised by our laws 
to prevent the sale of ardent spirits to Indians ; and it is 
extremely unfortunate that they are infracted with impu- 
nit}'. Under the Spanish governmf^nt, a drunken Indian 
was seldom seen in the villages of Louisiana. The sale 
of ardent spirits to Indians and slaves was prohibited 
under severe penalties, and offenders had it not in their 
power to elude them. They were fined twenty five dol- 
lars for the first offence ; fifty dollars for the second ; 
and for the third they were sent to the capitali to be 
disposed of by the supreme tribunal o*" justice. No 
sooner were we in possession of the territory than the 
people either considered themselves liberated from all le- 
gal restraint, or they found it practicable to evade tlie 
laws of their country. 

The habit of intoxication, like that of war, as we have 
already hinted, mostly results from their situation and 



OF THE ABORIGINES: 463 

pursuits. While engaged in the chase, or in a contest 
with their enemies, they are patient, temperate, hardy, and 
active ; but when exempted from laborious exercises, 
they are almost destitute of entity ; a fatal languor seizes 
them ; their minds are inert ; they experience a kind of 
intellectual vacuum ; and hence they resort to the inflam- 
mable potion. They do not discern, that the remedy is 
more pernicious than the disease, and it is useless to rea- 
son with them on the subject. When the cause of in- 
temperance be removed, a reformation may be expected. 



SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 



CHAPTER XVn. 



A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 



IT has long been a subject of enquiry, whether some 
part of this ccfntinent was not peopled from AVales. Au- 
thorities, indeed, are not wanting to prove their migration 
from that country more than three hundred years before 
the days of Columbus, and also their existence in Ameri- 
ca during the two last centuries. Their migration is re- 
corded by three Welsh historians or bards, and the exist- 
ence of one or more Welsh colonies among us is attested 
by various transient persons, on whom we are usually o- 
bliged to depend for such discoveries. It is morally im- 
possible, that such a chain of testimony, as will soon be 



466 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

adduced, should be fabricated ; nor can any reasonable mo- 
tive be assigned for attempts to deceive the world by rela- 
tions founded in fraud and imposture, particularly by so 
many different persons, and at such distant periods of time 
from each other. 

IMany of the learned, both in Europe and Ameicra, 
have endeavored to trace the origin of the aboriginals of 
our country. Some are of opinion, that they sprung from 
Asia, some from Africa, and others from the north of Eu- 
rope. Perhaps they derive their origins from all of them ; 
and why is it not as likely, that Wales furnished a popu- 
lation for America as some of the countries just named, 
particularly Africa, and the north of Europe ? If the Phe- 
nicians or Carthaginians from Africa, or some of the rude 
nations from the north of Europe, ever planted colonies 
on our coasts, it was probably more owing to some unfor- 
tunate occurrences than design. It is indeed likely, that 
the Romans had some confused notions of the discoveries 
of the former people in the Atlantic, and that they impar- 
ted their knowledge on this subject to the Britons after 
they had made permanent establishments among them. 
The paucity of history furnishes no argument in favor of a 
contrary doctrine ; the Welsh had few or no writers in 
the time of the Romans, and therefore were unable to hand 
down a history of events to posterity. Even so late as 
the days of Alfred, the clergy were unacquainted with 
Latin, and none of his lay subjects could either read or 
write J yet literature in those times was much more preva- 
lent in England than in Wales, 

The Welsh had as powerful motives for colonization 
as any other people. These ancient Britons have been 
celebrated for their bravery, and for the noble stand they 
made against several successive invaders. When theRo-^_ 
mans laid waste the provinces of England by fire and 
sword, and resistence became vain, a portion of the inha- 
bitants retired to the mountains of AVales, where they in 



*A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 467 

"ome measure retained their liberty, though part of their 
nountry was bridled by garrisons. The Saxons and Danes 
inflicted the same injuries on the AVelsh, and the former 
conquered two of their counties. Henry the first, in 1112, 
planted a strong colony of Flemings on the frontiers of 
Wales, as a barrier to England. He was succeeded by a 
prince of great military talents, and of powerful resources, 
under whose reign this migration of the Welsh is said to 
have happened, and during the long period he was seated 
on the throne, the Welsh trembled for their safety. But 
the conquest of Ireland, and other events of importance, 
mostpnbably diverted the attention of Henry the second 
from an invasion of the last refuge of British liberty. 
Indeed the kings of the Norman race, were much more 
troublesome to Wales than their predecessors; and this 
country was often the theatre of bloody conflicts, till at 
last it was reduced to submission. 

Besides, Wales was generally governed by a number 
of petty princes, and their interests or ambition frequent- 
ly produced destructive wars between them. Invaded 
from without, and convulsed within, the Welsh had strong 
motives to abandon their country, and to hazard their 
lives in pursuit of another, especially at a time when they 
had nearly lost all hopes of maintaining their liberties. 
They were probably unacquainted with the difEculties they 
had to encounter; and the ordinary ones across the ocean 
from Wales are not much greater than those from Africa, 
and much less than those usually experienced from the 
north of Europe. 

At any rate the subject is curious, and deserves inves- 
tigation ; and we shall now proceed to collect and arrange 
such materials as appear to throw the most light on it. 
Many of these materials have been already published at 
various times; but they seem not to have excited the at- 
tention which is due to their importance. 
3 o 



468 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

Ill the history of Wales, written by Caradoc, in the 
Welsh language, translated into English by Llwyd, and 
published by Dr. David Powel, in 1584, the voyages of 
Madoc, a Welsh prince, in 1170, are particularly related. 
On the death of Owen Gvvyneth, prince of North Wales, 
his sons quarrelled about the succession. After stating 
the particulars of this quarrel, the historian proceeds 

thus : 

" MADOC, another of Owen Gwyneth his sonnes, 
" left the land in contention betwixt his brethren, and 
*' prepared certain shipps, with men and munition, and 
" sought adventures by seas, sailing west, and leaving the 
" coast of Ireland so farre north, that he came to land un- 
" known, \vhere he saw inany strange things. This land 
" must needs be some part of that country, of which the 
" Spanyards affirme themselves to be the first founders 
*' since Haunoes time ; for, by reason and order of cos- 
" mographie, this land to which Madoc came, must needs 
" be some part of Nova Hispania, or Florida.* Whereupon 
" it is manifest that that country was longbeiore by Bretons 
" discovered, afore either Columbus or Americus Vesputi- 
*' us led any Spanyard thither. Of the voyage and return 
" of Madoc there be many fables fained, as the common 
" people do use in distance of place and length of time, 
" rather to augment than diminish; but sure it is that 
" there he was. And after he had returned home, and 
" declared the pleasant and fruitfuUe countryes that he 
" had seen without inhabitants, and upon the contrary part, 
" for what barren and wilde ground his brethren and ne- 
" phues did murther one another, he orepared a number 
" of shipps, and got with him such men and women as 
*' were desirous to live in quietn^sse, and taking leave of 
" his friends, took his journey thitherward again. There- 

* At this period all North America was Known by the name of Florida. 



A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 469 

'•• fore it was to be presupposed, that he and his people 
" inhabited part of those countryes ; for it appeareth by 
" Francis Lopez de Gomara, that in Acuzamil, and other 
" places, the people honoreth the crosse : Whereby it may 
" be gathered, that christians had been there before the 
" coming of the Spanyards. But because this people 
" were not many, they followed the manners of the land, 
" and used the language found there. This Madoc ariv« 
" ing in the countrey, into the which he came in the year 
" 1170, leftmost of his people there, and returning back 
" for more of his own nation, acquaintance, and friends 
" to inhabit that fayre and large countrey, went thither a- 
'* gain with ten sails, as I find noted by Gutyn Owen. I 
*' am of opinion that the land whereunto he came was 
" some part of Mexico. The causes which make me to 
" think so, be these. 1 The common report of the inha- 
" bitantsof that countrey, which affirme that thfeyr rulers 
" descended from a strange nation that came thither from 
" a farre countrey: which thing is confessed by Montezu- 
" ma, king of that countrey, in an oration made for qui- 
<' eting his people, at his submission to the king of Cas- 
" tile, Hernando Cortez being present, which is laid down 
*' in the Spanish chronicles of the conquest of the West 
" Indies. 2. The British words and names of places 
*' used in that country, even to this day do argue the 
" same, as when they talk together they use the word 
" Gzvrcmdo^ which is hearken, or listen. Also they have 
" a certain bird with a white head, which they call Fen- 
" £ivin, that is, white head. But the island of Corroceo, 
" the river Guyiidor^ and the white rock of Penguin^ which 
" be all British (or Welsh) words, do manifestly show, 
" that it was that country JMadoc and his people inha- 
" bited.' 

This historical passage is quoted and preserved by Ilak- 
luyt in his voyages and discoveries ot the Britons, pub- 
lished in 1589. Several historians have mentioned the 



4r£» SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

voyages of Madoc, and seem to consider thcni as indis- 
putable. Dr. Warrington, in his late history of Wales, 
has carefully examined the original Welsh authorities on 
which the above passage is founded : They are the poems 
of Meredyth ap Rliys, Guytin Owen, and Cynfryg ap 
Grenw; the first flourished in 1470, the second in 1480, 
and the thii d about the same period. These bards, or 
historians composed their works antecedent to the expe- 
ditions oi Columbus, and they relate or allude to the voy- 
ages of Mi.doc, as events well known in their time, and 
universally believed to have happened three hundred 
years before. 

Dr. Belknap seems to discredit the truth of the histori- 
cal passage before quoted, because it appears to him 
f' confused and contradictory ; the country discovered by 
*' Madoc is said to be xvithout mhah'Uants^ and yet the peo- 
*' pie whom he carried thither folloxued the 7nanners of the 
f land^ and used the language found there^'' 

In making this objection, the doctor evidently departed 
from his usual accuracy of discrimination. Madoc is said 
to have made three voyages. During the first he disco- 
vered unknown land. The second presented him v/ith 
pleasant and fruitful countries luithout inhabitants. What 
|ie discovered on his third voyage no one knows. That 
the Welsh followed the manners of the land^ and used the 
language found there^ were the mere suggestions of Cara- 
doc and llakluyt, made more than four centuries subse- 
quent to the migration, to which they allude. Their de- 
sign was to prove, th^^t the Mexicans derived their origin 
from the Welsh ; yet, to account for the difference of lan- 
guage, it was necessary to infer the loss of their own, and 
the adoption of the prevalent one of the country. The 
accounts given by Madoc himself on his return from his 
two first voyages, as preserved by the three original au- 
thors already mentioned, are perfectly natural and con- 
sistent j all the confusion and contradiction in the narratiyc:: 



A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 471 

must be wholly ascribed to their commentators, who wrote 
after the conquest of Mexico. It is worthy of remark, 
that Dr. Belknap has quoted only one of the original au- 
thorities, which attest the adventures of Madoc, and 
which gave birth to the historical passage before quoted. 
His partiality, too, for Columbus, and his zealous endea- 
vors to render ample justice to the memory of that cele- 
brated man, no doubt made him less disposed to admit 
the possibility of a competitor. 

The art of navigation was little known in those days ; 
yet it pretty plainly appears, that Madoc united his two 
first colonies at the point of destination. Of the fate of the 
third, which sailed in ten ships, we have no account. If 
by some unfortunate occurrence, such as shipwreck, ad- 
verse winds, or the want of a more accurate knowledge 
of navigation, it happened to make land at a great dis- 
tance from the other two colonies, probably they remained 
disunited and unknown to each other; and this accounts 
in part, for the apparent confusion in some of the subse- 
quent proofs of their dispersed situation on this conti- 
nent. 

It appears that Madoc committed himself to the sea, 
sailing zuest to the north of Ireland, and finally came to 
land unknown. The question is, to what unknown land 
does he allude ? Every reader must be ready to pronounce, 
that the land he discovered was either among the islands, 
or on the continent of America. 

Dr. John Williams, in " an enquiry concerning the 
" first discovery of America by the Europeans," has quo- 
ted the Welsh authorities already mentioned, and illus- 
trated them by references to some subsequent writers, 
whom we shall endeavor to follow. 

In 1620, " a brief description of the whole world"" was 
published in London. The writer makes several remarks 
on the supposed voyages and discoveries of king Arthur, 
and justifies queen Elizabeth in not claiming them by dc- 



472 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

scent, " imagining them to be grounded on fabulous foun- 
" dations," and adds, " only this doth convey some shew 
" with it, that now, some hundred years, there xoas a 
*• knight of Wales^ xvhOy xv'ith shippings and some petty 
" company did go to discover these parts, (America) 
" whereof, as there is some record of reasonable credit a- 
" mongst the monuments of Walee, so there is nothing 
" which giveth more frequent shew thereunto than that, 
" in the late navigations of some of our monta Norumbe- 
" ga* and some other parts of America, they found 
" some tokens of civility and christian religion." 

One of the most remarkable documents on this subject 
is the narrative of Morgan Jones, (who, it seems, was a 
clergyman) dated March the tenth, 1686, and published 
in the gentleman's magazine for 1740; the substance of 
which is as follows; He certifies that, in the year 1660, 
while he was an inhabitant of Virginia, and chaplain to 
major general Bennet, he accompanied tv/o ships to Ca- 
rolina as their minister, and landed at Oyster Point, 
%rhere they continued eight months. The want of pro- 
visions induced him and five others to travel back to Vir- 
ginia over land. The Tuscaroras, who were settled on 
Pontigo river, seized them as prisoners, and gave them 
to understand that they must die. On this intelligence, 
Jones, (who was a Welshman) exclaimed in the Welsh 
tongue, " have I escaped so many dangers, and must I 
*' now be knocked on the head like a dog !" A war chief 
then came to him, and embraced him by the middle, and 
told him in the same language, that he should not die ! 
He and his men were then received with welcome into 
the Tuscaiora town, where they were entertained for four 
months; during which time a conversation was carried 
on in the Welsh language, and Jones preached to them 

* The first discoverers of the New England coast, gave this name 
to the bay of Penobscot, or to the country about it. 



A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA 473 

three times a week : They could confer together on the 
most difiicult subjects, lie declares, among other things, 
his readiness to conduct any Welshman, or others to the 
country. This account written by Jones himself, and 
addressed to Dr. Thomas Lloyd of New York, was fi- 
nally deposited in the Ashmolean museum, where it now 
remains. 

This narrative of Jones is strongly supported by seve- 
ral others. Dr. Williams mentions, that another clergy- 
man was taken prisoner by the Indians in Virginia, soon 
after the settlement of it, and that he saved his life by the 
knowledge he had of their language, which was Welsh. 
" They produced a book, which he found to be the bible, 
" but which they could not read !" Were it not for this 
remarkable circumstance, we should be inclined to be- 
lieve, that the discovery of the last mentioned clergyman, 
has been mistaken for that of Jones. 

In the " British Remains," pubhshed in 1777, appear- 
ed a letter written by Charles Lloyd, bearing date about 
the same period with the narrative of Jones, which serves 
to confirm the two preceding statements. It alleges that 
one Stedman, about thirty years before the date of the 
letter, was on the coast of America in a Dutch bottom, 
and that when he was about to land, the natives strongly 
opposed him. He understood their language, which was 
Welsh, and spoke to them ; after which they were very 
courteous, and supplied him with the best things they 
had. They told Stedmar, that theii ancestors came from 
a country called Gzcynedd, (Noith Wales) in Prydainfawr, 
(Great Britain.) This discovery is supposed to have 
been somewhere between Virginia and Florida. It is also 
stated in addition to this, that one Oliver Humphreys, a 
merchant of Surinam, informed the same Charles Lloyd, 
that the master of an English privateer or pirate, in re- 
pairing his vessel near Florida, became acquainted with 



474 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

the Indian tongue spoken there, which was afterwards 
found to be Welsh. 

Some authorities of a more recent date are now to be 
stated, relative to the existence of the Welsh in another 
quarter. Father Charlevoix possessed talents and an in- 
quisitive turn of mind, though he has heen deemed some- 
what credulous. He was a French missionary, and tra- 
velled from Canada to the Mississippi in 1721 ; he took 
much pains to inform himself of the history, religion^ 
language, customs, and manners, of the different Indian 
nations. Some Indians, whom he calls the Aiouaz, (pro- 
bably the lowas) informed him, " that the Omans,* three 
" days journey from them, hadxvhite skins and fair hair, 
" especially the women." They further alleged, that the 
Pawnes, and other distant nations to the west, had often 
told them, " that there was a great lake, very far from 
*' their country, on the borders of which were people re- 
*' sembling the French, with buttons (leather) on their 
" clothes, living in cities, and using horses in hunting the 
" buffaloe, and clothed with the skins of that animal, but 
*' destitute of any arms, except the bow and arrow." In 
another part of the same work the good father thus ex- 
presses himself; " I met in the bay (in lake Michigan) 
*' some Scioux, of whom I made many enquiries about 
*' the countries which are to the west and northwest of Ca- 
" nada ; and though I know we must not entirely depend 
" on what the savages say, yet by comparing what I have 
" heard from them, with that which I have heard from 
" many others, I have great reason to believe, that there 
" are on this continent some Spaniards^ or European colo- 
" 7iies^ much more north than any xve knozv of in Mexico 
*' or California^ Carver spent the winter of 1/66, among 
the Scioux on the river St. Pierre. They told him, that 

* No nation by this name is known at the present day. 



A/WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 475 

about the heads of the Missouri lived " a nation rather 
••' smnllcr and rvhitcr than the neighbouring tribes, who 
" cultivated the ground ;" and from various intimations 
it appeared evident, that they were in some measure ac- 
quainted with the arts. ' 

A Welshman by the name of Griffith was taken pri- 
soner by the Shawnee Indians about the year 1764, and 
conducted to their towns. His adventures* were made 
public in 180!-, from which the following particulars are 
abridged. 

Two years after the captivity of Griffith, five Shaw- 
nees resolved to penetrate to the source of the Missouri, 
and they admitted him of the party. They had a long 
and laborious journey to the shining moantains, through 
which the Missouri finds its way. In these mountains 
they accidentally met with three rv/iite men in the In- 
dian dress, with whom they travelled for some timcj 
when they arrived at their village, and found the 
whole nation of the same complexion. A council was 
soon assembled, and the question was debated for three 
days, What shall be done with the strangers ? it was fi- 
nally concluded to put them to death, especially as they 
appeared to belong to a warlike nation, and were proba- 
bly exploring the country to find out a suitable place for 
the future residence of their friends. Griffith, whose 
presence created no suspicion, could remain silent no lon- 
ger. Ife addressed the council in Welsh, and explained 
the motives of their journey. It is needless to say, that 
full confidence was restored, and the strangers treated 
with kindness. Nothing could be ascertained of their 
history, except that their forefathers came up the Missouri 
from a very distant country. There was not a black man 



* These were detailed by him to a man now living' in Kentucky, 
and publislied by Harry Toulmin, esquire, at present one of the 
Judges of the Missisinpi Territory. 
3 V 



476 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 

in the nation, which was pretty numerous. The party 
returned to the Shawnee towns, after an absence of two 
years and six months. Griffith soon made his escape, 
and joined his friends in the back part of Virginia. 

The subsequent narrative, corroborative of the one 
just mentioned, was given to the author of these sketches 
in May, 1805, by a Frenchman in upper Louisiana. This 
man had been several years employed in the north west 
by the Knglish traders. His usual station was at the fac- 
tory or trading house on the Assinniboine, a few days 
travel only from the Mandans on the Missouri. The con- 
ductor of that establishment aimed to extend the trade, 
and for this purpose selected a party, of which the in- 
formant was one, to explore the Missouri. In ascending 
that river they were obliged to pass one or two cataracts 
or falls in the shining mountains, as also several rapids, 
and much hard zuater. On the summit of these moun- 
tains they entered a large lake, from which the Missouri 
flows ; and from the opposite extremity another river is- 
sued towards the west, down which the informant des- 
cended for some distance, and spent eleven days on it. 
The publication of the narrative of Griffith suggested the 
propriety of some enquiry relative to the Indians about 
the head of the Missouri. The informant declared, (and 
he sustains the character of a man of truth) " that there 
" was a numerous and singular nation of Indians about 
" the lake, who were not in the least tawny, but rather of a 
** yellowish complexion ; that they wear their beards, and 
" that great numbers of them had red hair on their 
" heads." This is almost literally the statement furnish- 
ed by the Frenchman. 

This account is strongly supported by two others. Van- 
couver found a people in the vicinity of Columbia 
river, speaking" a language different from that of their 
neighbors^ and in features resembling the northern Euro- 
peans. Captains Lewis and Clark discovered some peo- 



A WTILSH NATION IN AMERICA. 4,77 

pie near the mouth of the same river, who had red or san- 
dy hair on their heads. 

That the Welsh once existed on our coast between the 
gulf of Mexico and the Potomac, and also on the upper 
Mississippi, particularly about the head of the Missouri, 
is at least probable from the preceding proofs. That they 
more recently resided on Red river, is rendered as pro- 
bable from the proofs now to be adduced. 

In the year 1766, an Indian missionary by the name of 
Beatty, travelled into the western countiy, where he met 
with several persons, who had lived with the Indians 
from their youth, among whom were Benjamin Sutton, 
and Levi Hicks. 

Sutton informed him, that when he was with the Chock- 
taw nation on the Mississippi, he went to an Indian town 
" a very considerable distance above New Orleans, whose 
" inhabitants were of different complexions, not so taw- 
" ny as those of the other Indians, and who spoke Welsh." 
He saw a book among them, which he supposed was the 
Welsh bible ; " they kept it carefully wrapped up in a 
" skin, but they could not read it." After this he heard 
some Indians among the Shawnees speak Welsh with a 
native of Wales by the name of Lewis. " This AVelsh 
■' tribe, now (1766,) live on the west side of the Missis- 
" sippi river, a great way above New Orleans." He also 
alleged that both men and women observed the rites and 
ceremonies prescribed by the Mosaic law ; the former 
" observed the feasts of the first fruits," and the latter 
occasionally " separated seven days from the men." 

Hicks told the Missionary, " that he once attended an 
" embassy in a town of Indians on the west side of the 
" Mississippi river, who talked Welsh ;" and the Indian 
interpreter of this missionary added, " that he saw some 
'' Indians, whom he supposed to be of the same tribe, who 
" talked Welsh ;" and he repeated some words in their 
language, which were found to be Welsh. 



4r8 skf:tciies of lolisiana, 

About the year ITG^, captain Isaac Stev.iat, with some 
oth. rs, was taken prisoner by the Indians, and conducted 
to the Wabash. Subsequent to his liberation from capti- 
vity he published the following narrative in Eni^land. 

" After remaining two years in bondage among the lu- 
«' dians, a Spaniard came to the nation, having been sent 
" from Mexico on discoveries. He made application to 
" the chiefs for redeeming me, and another white man, 
" who was in a like situation, named John David, which 
" they complied with. And v/e took our departure in 
" company with the Spaniard to the westward, crossing 
" the Mississippi near Rouge, or Red river, up tvhich 
" we travelled seven hundred miles, when we came to a 
" nation of Indians remarkably white, and whose hair 
*' was of a reddish color, at least mostly so. They lived 
" on the banks of a small river, which is called the River 
" Post. In the morning oi the day after our arrival, the 
" Welshman, (David) informed me, that he was deter- 
" mined to remain with them, giving as a reason, that he 
'* understood their language, it being very little different 
" from the Welsh. My curiosity was excited very much 
" by this information; and I went with my companion to 
" the chief men of the town, who informed him, (in a 
" hmguage that I had no knowledge of, and which had no 
" affinity to that of other Indian tongues that I ever heard) 
" that their forefathers in this nation, came from aforeigti 
" courdrif^ and landed on the east side of the Mississippi, 
" describing particularly the country called Florida, and 
" that on the Spaniards taking possession of Mexico, they 
" fled to their then abode. And as a proof of what he 
" advanced, he brought forth rolls of parchment, which 
" were carefully tied up in otter skins, on which were 
" large characters v/ritten with blue ink. The characters 
" T did not understand, and the Welshman being unac- 
" quainted with letters, I was not able to know the mean- 
'' ing of the \yriting. They are a bold, hardy, and intre- 



A -WELSH XATION IN AMERICA. 479 

'' pid people, very v/arlilce, and the women beautiful, 
" when compared with other Indians." 

Some other proofs of a similar nature, recorded in 
works of celebrity, are intentionally omitted ; and those 
inserted in this chapter are considerably abridged, except 
the passages included in inverted commas : More attenti- 
on has been paid to the substance they contain than to the 
multiplicity of words and conjectures, with which they 
abound* 

Against these authorities several plausible objections 
may be urged, calculated at first blush to weaken their 
validity. In the first place it may be said that, if they 
prove any thing, they prove too much; because they al- 
lude to a Welsh tribe in Virginia, to a second in Florida, 
to a third on Red river, to a fourth on the Mississippi, 
to a fifth on the Missouri, and perhaps to a sixth on the 
Wabash ; whereas it is hardly to be expected that they e- 
ver became so numerous, or so much dispersed, as to oc- 
cupy these different and distant regions. In the second 
place it may be said, that there are no Indians within our 
knowledge, whose appearance indicates an Europearf ori- 
gin: That Morgan Jones, and the other clergyman, al- 
ready noticed, made no such discoveries about the year 
1660) as they pretend ; because if the Tuscaroras were of 
Welsh extraction, and spoke the Welsh language at that pe- 
riod, their origin must have been subsequently discovered, 
and some traces of the Welsh dialect found among them 
at the present day. These and several other objections 
naturally arise from a view of the subject, and sugges: 
the propriety of a few cursory remarks. 

The number of people drawn from Wales by Madoc, 
cannot be easily conjectured; the only data we have for 
calculation are, that he made three voyages, and that he 
sailed with ten ships on the last voyage. If we estimate 
the whole number at twenty, perhaps. we shall be within 
the bounds of probability; and if we suppose each to 



480 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 

liave carried fifty five colonists, (a number about equal to 
the size of the vessels in those days) the whole number 
would be eleven hundred. From the time of their mi- 
gration, to that of their discovery in 1660, was nearly 
live hundred years ; and if we allow them to double once 
in every fifty years, (an increase of population a little more 
than half only to that generally admitted among civilized 
nations) the whole number at the period of discovery 
was nearly one million, one hundred twenty six thousand, 
four hundred ; and by the same rule of calculation their 
number at this time rather exceeds eight millions. But 
the sanguinary warfare of European christians on this 
great continent, has thinned it of its ancient inhabitants, 
and many, once numerous and pov/erful nations are con- 
signed to oblivion. Several nations of this description 
formerly inhabited Red river, the Arkansas, and the Mis- 
sissippi ; and to the moderns they are known only in the 
records of the first settlers of Louisiana. 

Perhaps the third colony never joined the other two ; 
and this is partly to be inferred from a circumstance soon 
to be mentioned. At any rate, it is natural to conclude, 
that Madoc, in whatever part of the world he was cast, 
exercised the supreme authority over those with him till 
his *cleath ; his rank and enterprise gave him a claim to 
this distinction. If they planted themselves contiguous 
to other nations, wars most probably ensued ; and as the 
tactics of the "Welsh were doubtless superior to those of 
their enemies, the issue must have been in their favor. 
Their knowledge likewise of fortification served to se- 
cure them from danger, while it proved destructive to 
those less acquainted with it. Hence we are led to be- 
lieve, that population was rapid among them; and per- 
haps the more so as they had exchanged a foggy and 
barren country, for one of a serene atmosphere, and more 
prolific in the necessaries of life, both vegetable and ani- 
mal. No doubt they preserved many of the useful arts for 



A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 431 

a long time, particularly the art of war, which enabled them 
to reside in regions of their choice, and to multiply inse- 
curitv. It seems fair to attribute to them the numerous 
monuments of art and skill found a'^out the country. If 
the Tusca^oras are of Welsh extraction, they probably 
built the subterraneous wall discovered a few years ago 
in North Carolina. This indeed, is the more likely, as 
they inhabited that part of the country till about a centu- 
ry ago, when they incorporated themselves with the On- 
eldas; because, from an affinity in their language, they 
believed the two tribes to be branches of the same com- 
mon stock.* The wall alluded to is of unquestionable 
antiquity. It is wholly buried beneath the earth, which 
has been rolled from the circumjacent high grounds. One 
hundred and sixty feet of its length was recently unco- 
vered, as likewise nearly thirty feet of its depth. It is 
built of stone, and well cemented. It is uniformly two 
feet thick, and both sides of it are smooth. In fine, in 
the construction of this wall may be discovered a people 
considerably advanced in the arts. This specimen of re- 
gular masonry, however, is less to be admired than the 
instances of the art discovered b)' Columbus on the island 
of Cuba, and by his successors on the continent. The 
perfection of the arts was more particularly witnessed in 
the city and valley of Mexico. The arms of Montezu- 
ma, suspended in a broad shield over the front gate of his 
palace, (a griffin with expanded wings, holding a tyger in 
his talons) appear to be derived from the heraldry of Europe. 
Yet we must not yield lightly to the idea, that the ancient 
Mexicans were the descendants of the Welsh. The in- 
vestigations of able historians have rendered it pretty cer- 
tain, that some of the most polished nations of Anahuac 

• This serves as proof, that the last colony never joined the other 
two, or that an early separation took place, and the bands or tribes 
remained disunited, pi'obably for centuries. 



482 SKETCHES OF LOU IS iA Is A. 

were of Asiatic origin, and arrived there from tlie north 
west coast of America, as early as the seventh century. 
Therefore, before we can presume the Welsh to have pe- 
netrated into Mexico, we must prove a gross anachronism 
in the details of historians. 

No doubt the death of Madoc, and the augmented po- 
pulation of the Welsh, served to create divisions among 
them, which ended in their dispersion under different 
chiefs. These evils, indeed, afflicted Wales before and 
at the time of the migration ; and it seems just to con- 
clude, that the example of the mother country had some 
influence over the colonists in this country. The temper 
and disposition of the Welsh in those days created a suc- 
cession of wars and divisions among them; and hence 
the dispersion of the migrated bands, was probably at- 
tended with a waste of blood. 

That such discoveries as we have mentioned were ac- 
tually made, seem the more probable, as there is a re- 
markable coincidence and agreement, between the seve- 
veral accounts of them. The existence of a Welsh tribe 
in Virginia, said to be the Tuscaroras, is attested by two 
clergymen, both of whom saved their lives by the know- 
ledge they had of their language. The testimony also 
of Stednian and Humphreys, though somewhat apocry- 
phal, proves the existence of the Welsh in or near Flori- 
da ; and the former declares they told him, " that their fa- 
*'■ thers came from a country called North Wales, in Great 
" Britain !" There is likewise the testimony of three 
persons to prove the existence of the Welsh bible among 
at least two tribes of them; and it is worthy of remark, 
that these three persons lived at different eras, and indeed 
in different centuries, and were wholly unconnected and 
unknown to each other. On what ground shall we con- 
sider their testimony, as well as that of many other per- 
sons, as the result of artifice, or fraud ; especially as it 
illustrates the same points, grows out of different occasi- 



A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 43;^ 

Ona, and was published nearly at die same time ? Most 
of the great events recorded in ancient history, and even 
those in the history of modern Europe^ are supported by 
evidence much less certain and conclusive. 

That a white people recently inhabited some part of 
the country near the head of the Missouri, we learn from 
Charlevoix and the other French traveller, already noti- 
ced; and that these white people were Welsh, is render- 
ed almost certain from the testimony of Griffith. This 
man more than intimates, that they were settled along 
the banks of the Missouri within the shining mountains. 
The Frtnch traveller, and the authorities produced by 
Charlevoix, place them about a lake. The former in- 
deed alleges, that he found such a people about the lake, 
which forms the source of the iMissouri. No doubt they 
all refer to the same place, and to the same people. The 
different accounts of these men support each other; 
they serve at least as collateral proofs, and create a vio- 
lent presumption, that the Welsh, or some other white 
people, inhabit the country alsout one of the head bran- 
ches of the Missouri.* 



* As another proof, that the Welsh once lived in or near Florida, 
and also on the Missouri, tlie following' interesting letter, (received 
since tins chapter was prepai-ed for tl e press) from his excellency, 
John Sevier, dated, Knoxville, Tennessee, October 9th, 18 lu, is here 
iatrbdnced. 

"I shall with pleasure, give you the information required, so fir 
as my memory will now serve me, and tht- help of a memorandum I 
hastily took on ihe subject, of a nation of people cailed the Welsh In- 
dians. In the year 1/82, 1 was on a campaigji against the Cherokees, 
and during my route, discovered traces 01 very ancient fortifications. 
Some time after the expedition, 1 had occasion to enter into a ncgoiia- 
tio.. W'th the Cherokee chiefs, for the purpose oi exchanging prison^ 
ers. After the exchange had been settled, 1 took an opportunity of 
enquiring of a vi nerablc old chief, namea Oconostcto, (then, and tor 
nearly sixty -oars had been, a ruling chief of the Ciierokee nation,) 
if he could inform mc O: the people that had lef. such signs of forti- 
fications in their country ? and particularly the one on tlie bank of the 
3 Q. 



481. :-i[s.TECHES OF LOUlSL^iNA. 

It' indeed there be a AVelsh or white people in that 
quarter, as the authorities indicate, why were they not 
discovered by captains Lewis and Clark on their way to, 
or return from the Pacific ocean ? This question admits 
of a satisfactory answer. 

Ilighwassce river ? The old warrior briefly answered me as follows: 
'' It is handed down by our forefathers, that the works were made by 
" white people, who had formerly inhabited the country, while 
" the Cherokees lived lower down in the country, now called 
" South Carolina, and that a war existed between the two nations for 
" many years. At length, it was discovered, that the wA«7es were ma- 
'•' king a number of large boats, which induced the Cherokees to sup- 
" pose, that they intended to descend the Tennessee river. They then 
•■' collected their whole band of warriors, and took the shortest and 
»• most convenient route to the muscle shoals in order to intercept them 
" down the river. In a few days, the boats hove in sight, and a warm 
" combat ensued, with various success for several days. At length 
" the ivhites proposed to the Indians, that if they would exchange 
" prisoners, and cease hostilities, they would leave the country, and 
" never more return ; which was acceded to, and, after the exchange, 
" parted in friendship. The ivhites then descended tlie Tennessee to 
'• the Ohio, arUl tlien down to the big river, (Mississippi) then up it 
" to the muddy river, (Missouri) then up that river to a very great 
" distance. They are now on some of it's branches : But they are no 
" longer a -Mlute people ; they ai'e now all become Indians ; and look 
" like the other red people of the country". I then asked him, if he 
had ever heard any of his ancestors say what nation of people 
those white people belonged to I He answered : " I have heard my 
•' grandfather and other old people say, that they v/ere a people cal- 
'• led IVelsU ; tliat they had crossed the ^reat loater, and landed near 
*' the mouth of Alabama river, and were finally driven to the heads of 
" its waters, and even to Highwassee river, by the Mexican Indians, 
" who had been driven out of their own country by the Spaniards." 
Many years past I happened in company with a Frenchman, who lived 
with the Cherokees, and had been a great explorer of the country 
west of the Mississippi. He informed me, " that he had been high up 
" the Missouri, and traded several months with the Welsh tribe ; ihat 
" they spoke much of the Welsh dialect, and although their customs 
" were savage and wild, yet many of them, particularly the females 
'' were very fair and white, and frequently told him, they had spi'ung 
" from a tuhite nation of people ; also stated they had yet some small 
" scraps of books remaining among them, but in such tattered and 
•• destructive order, that nothing intelligible remained." He observed 



A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 4 g 

Those gentlemen found that the Missouri within the 
shining mountains, and more than two hundred miles be- 
low its source, was divided into three branches, n^arlj' of 
an equal size. They pursued their route up the most 
northern one, and returned the same way. It is there- 
fore likely, that two of the travellers we have named, as- 
cended one of the other branches. The account of one 
of them derives some support from the discoveries of 
captains Lewis and Clark. On descending the Columbia, 
they found several tributary rivers, flowing into it from 
the left, one of which was nearly five hundred yards wide. 
If a river flows from the lake to the west, as has already 
been stated, it must join the Columbia from the left be- 
low the point where those gentlemen intersected it ; and 
it possibly affords a much shorter, and more safe and ex- 
peditious communication with the Pacific ocean, than is 
to be found by the head of the northern branch. It must 
not be forgotten, that they discovered some straggling In- 
dians near the mouth of the Columbia, simiUar in ap- 
pearance to those mentioned by Vancouver, and resem- 
bling those also said to reside on one of the branches of 
the Missouri. 

Of the existence of a people on Red river, speaking 
the Welsh language, forty or fifty years ago, as has been 
mentioned, seems difficult to doubt. On what ground 

that their settlement was in a very obscure part of the Missouri, sur- 
rounded with innumerable lofty mountains. The Fi-enchman's name 
lias escaped my memory, but I believe it was ;rC.niething like Duroque. 
in my conversation with the old chief Oconostoto, he informed me, 
that an old woman in his nation named Peg^, bad some part of an old 
book given her by an Indian livinsj high up the Missouri, and thought 
lie was one of the IVclsh tribe. Unlbrtunately before I had an oppor- 
tunity of seeing the book, the old woman's house, and its contents, 
were consumed by fire. I have conversed with several persons, who 
saw and examined the hook, but it was so worn and dishgured, that 
nothing intelligible remained ; neither did any one of flieni under- 
stand any language but their own, and even that, very imperfectly." 



486 SKETCHES OF I.OUISJAIS'A. 

thall we invalidate the testimony of captain Stewaitr 
This is strongly supported by the narratives of Sutton 
and Hicks. The presumption is violent that they all al- 
lude to the same people. 

The Tetans or Alitans, are the only Indians in that 
quarter known to us, who in any great degree answer the 
description given of the supposed Welsh. x\.bout sixty 
of them, for the first and only time, visited Nachitoches 
in 180r; and it was particularly observed, that the wo- 
men were comparatively handsome, and that the hair of 
many of the men was of a sandy complexion. The cus- 
toms and manners of these people indicate them to be of 
an origin diiferent from that of their neighbors. Their 
lives are pastoral. Their movements are mostiy confined to 
the Mexican mountains, particularly to the regions about 
the sources of lied river, the Arkansas, and some of the 
westerly branches of the Missouri ; they follow the buf- 
faloe and other game, which alternately inhabit the northj 
and the south, the high and the low country. They are 
the hereditary enemies of the Spaniards, and a predato- 
ry warfare has long existed between them and some of 
the Indian tribes of Louisiana. These people are divid- 
ed into a great number of bands, and some of them were 
discovered by captains Lewis and (Jiark in the neighbor- 
hood of the shining mountains. They uniformly live in 
tents of a conical figure, fabricated from skins, and so 
disposed as to resemble the streets and squares of a city. 
They are cleanly in their persons and dress, particularly 
in their cookery, and obesity is common among those ad- 
vanced in years. Their language widely differs from all 
others in the country, and few are disposed to encounter 
the difficulty of acquiring it. 

Some enquiry ought to be made into the origin and 
language of this singular nation, and the trouble and ex- 
pense of making them a visit, if properly managed, 
would be inconsiderable. If they spoke the Welsh langu. 



A -V^^LSH NATION IN AMERICA. 437 

iige forty or fifty years ago, it no doubt still prevails a- 
niong them. The lapse of more than six centuries, the 
occasional admission of strange idioms, the revolutions in 
dress, pursuits, and modes of life, are sufficient to change, 
and even destroy, the vernacular dialect, not only of the 
Welsh colonists, but of every nation on the globe. It 
must, however, be remembered, that the Indians, more 
than any civilized people, endeavor to preserve their lan- 
guage in its purity; it is much more liable to fluctuation 
and change among those in a state of progressive im- 
provement. 

Were it once satisfactorily ascertained, that the Welsh 
ever established themselves on this continent, a multitude 
of difficulties would be solved, which at present perplex 
the learned. In case of such a discovery, the ancient 
fortifications and other works of art, the traits of civili- 
zation, and the many tokens of Christianity, discovered 
by the Spaniards and others at various times and places, 
ought in some measure to be ascribed to them. To them 
and to others, most probably of European descent, must 
likewise be ascribed the confused notion of an universal 
deluge, entertained by several tribes, apparently of dif- 
ferent origins. Christianity spread in Wales many centu- 
ries before Madoc is supposed to have left it, and the 
scriptures were prevalent in that country ; both indeed 
made their way into the north of Europe soon after their 
introduction into the southern parts of it. Hence the 
scripture account of the deluge was luiquestionally known 
to Madoc and his people. It is therefore natural to con- 
clude, that they brought the scriptures with them to this 
country, though all knowledge of them long since peri- 
shed, except what tradition has preserved. In fine, most 
or all of the traditionary accounts among the aboriginals, 
which are founded on biblical history, must be traced to 
the PuvW migrations from Europe and Africa. 



488 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 

Travellers describe certain private societies among the 
Indians, which apparently resemble our lodges of Free- 
masons. Their rules of government, and the admission 
of members, are said to be nearly the same. No one can 
be received as a member of the fraternity, except by bal- 
lot, and the concurrence of the whole is necessary to a 
choice. They have different degrees in the order. The 
ceremonies of initiation, and the mode of passing from 
one degree to another, would create astonishment in the 
mind of an enlightened spectator. Is not this practice of 
European origin? In the early periods of English histo- 
ry, the knowledge of freemasonry was mostly confined to 
the druids; and Wales was more fruitful of this descrip- 
tion of men, than any other part of Europe. They were 
almost the only men of learning in those days : They ex- 
ecuted the functions of priests, historians, and legislators, 
Those in Wales, in particular, animated their country- 
men to a noble defence of their liberties, and afforded so 
much trouble to the first Edward, that he ordered them 
to be barbarously massacred. This inhuman order, the 
lineament of a ferocious tyrant, was carried into effect a- 
Jjout the year 1282; and a few only of the bards survived 
to weep over the miseries of their country. 

One principal aim of this chapter is to excite a spirit 
of enquiry. The subject is particularly interesting to the 
learned, at least of sufficient importance to awaken theii 
curiosity, and to stimulate their enterprise ; it cannot be 
too often revived, nor too strictly investigated. 



FINIS. 



